Voor Werner: Changes in - PowerPoint Presentation

Slide1

Voor Werner:Changes in Aspect

Elly van Gelderen

Munich, February 2016

Slide2

Outline

Werner’s

contributions on outer and inner

aspect have been

foundational.

This paper

builds on that by looking at:

a. Some examples of changes in outer aspect,

b. Changes in

inner

aspect/

Aktionsart

:

unaccusative

and

unergative

causative and transitive

copula,

experiencer

verbs

ditransitives

Slide3

Werner on grammatical/outer aspect:

-1996. Introduction to

 

Aspect and

Aktionsart

.

Folia

Linguistica

.

 

30.1/2,

1-3.

W

. Abraham & W.

Klimonow

(

eds

).

Berlin: Mouton De

Gruyter

. 

-1997. The

interdependence of case, aspect, and

referentiality

in the history of German: the case of the genitive. In

van

Kemenade

&

Vincent (eds.),

Parameters of

morphosyntactic

change

, 29-61

.

Cambridge:

CUP.

-1999.

How descending is ascending German? On the deep interrelations between tense, aspect,

pronomi­nality

, and

ergativity

.” In:

Abraham

&

Kulikov (

eds

)

 

Tense-aspect, transi­tivity, and

causativity.

Amsterdam

 : John

Benjamins

, 253-292

.

-2004.

The European demise of the simple past and the emergence of the periphrastic perfect: Areal diffusion or natural, autonomous evolution under parsing facilitation?“. In:

Abraham

(ed

.),

 

Focus on Germanic typology

, 241-272

.

 

Berlin

:

Akademieverlag

.

Slide4

Werner on Aktionsart/inner aspect:

1986. Unaccusatives

in

German.

 

Groninger Arbeiten zur ger­ma­nisti­schen Linguistik

 

28

: 1-72

.

1990. A note on the aspect-syntax interface.” In: J.

Mascaró

en

M.

Nespor

(red.), Grammar in Pro­gress. GLOW Essays for

Henk

van

Riemsdijk

, Dordrecht , 1990, 1-12.

1999. Introduction.

Werner

Abraham & Leonid Kulikov

(

eds

),

 

Tense-aspect, transitivity, and

causativity

.

 Amsterdam : John Benjamins, xi-xxxiii

2002.

(At least) Two types of

unaccusativity

– or non at all

.

In: A. Wedel & H.-J. Busch

(

eds

)

 

Verba

et

litterae

: explorations in Germanic languages and German literature.

 

Essays in honor of Albert L. Lloyd.

 Newark , Delaware :

Linguatext

, 1-12.

Slide5

Broader relevance

Argument

structure forms the basis of our propositions and, without it, there is no meaning. It is

likely

that

AS

is part of our larger cognitive system and

not

restricted

to the language faculty

.

Bickerton

(1990: 185) suggests that the “universality of thematic structure suggests a deep-rooted ancestry, perhaps one lying outside language altogether.”

Slide6

If argument/thematic structure predates the emergence of language, an understanding of causation, intentionality, volition - all relevant to determining theta-structure - may be part of our larger cognitive system and not restricted to the language faculty.

It

then fits that argument structure is relevant to other parts of our cognitive make-up, e.g. the moral grammar. Gray et al. (2007), for instance, argue that moral judgment depends on mind perception, ascribing agency and experience to other entities.

De

Waal (e.g. 2006) has shown that chimps and bonobos show empathy, planning, and attribute minds to others.

Slide7

outer vs innerouter can change inner, e.g. perfective over durative:

(1) I built the house

But not always, e.g. imperfective over state:

(2) *I am seeing the blue sky (for hours)

Slide8

Terminative/biphasic vs monophasic

Abraham (1989; 1990) uses these terms to distinguish two crucial classes, also known as telic vs durative.

And prefixes (

ein

,

zu

) can add

terminativity

.

It is safe to say that most diachronic research has been on outer aspect. I’ll mention a few and then go on to inner aspect, showing how the two are related

through biphasic vs

monophasic.

Slide9

Sources of outer aspect

Imperfective < durative

Positional verbs,

e.g.

staan

,

liggen

,

and

zitten

`stand, lay, and

sit’:

(1)

Tegen

heug

en

meug

ga

je

lopen

fietsen

.

Without pleasure go you walk cycle

`Without pleasure you will be cycling.’

(2) Dan

zit

ie

te

zorgen

dat

ie

een

goede

opvolger

krijgt

.

Then sits he to make sure ...

Prepositions > imperfective, e.g.

on.

Slide10

Perfective < telic P and V

The Chinese perfective marker derives from a verb (

liao

meaning `to complete') and the

Nupe

perfective

á

from a light verb (

lá

meaning `take’, see

Kandybowicz

2008).

Smyth

(1920: 366

):"[

t]he addition of a preposition ... to a verbal form may mark the completion of the action of the verbal idea (perfective action

)".

(1)

eis

-elthen

eis

ton

oikon

NT Greek

in-came

in the house

`

He entered the house.’ (Luke 1.40,

Goetting

2007: 317

)

Slide11

Bulgarian(2)

Ivan

skoči

prez

ogradata

Ivan jumped over fence-the

`Ivan jumped over the fence.’

(

3

)

Ivan

pres-

koči

ogradata

Ivan over-jumped

fence.the

`Ivan jumped the fence.'

(

Mariana Bahtchevanova p.c

.)

Slide12

Structural renewal

a. ASPP > b. ASPP

ASP VP ASP VP

(

ge

-)

V AP up V AP

up up

>

c. ASPP

ASP VP

up V ...

Slide13

Adding telic adverbs > ASPevaporate

out boost up

dissipate away issue out

spend down order up

receive

in offer

up

copy out distribute out

present out include in

compact down calculate out

Slide14

Sea Island Creole, spoken, and online:

(1)

If

I was somebody could turn

up

that hospital

up

, I’d do

it.

`If

I were somebody who could tear up that hospital, I’d do it

.’ (

Cunningham 1992: 95)

(2)

To

evaluate whether there is air mixed with water in the radiator, turn

on

it

on

for a little while. (http://www.wisegeek.com/what-is-radiator-bleeding.htm)

Can

we just point 

out

 

something out

 very quickly. (COCA, Sp Fox 5 2011)

Makeup is used to cover up things up

, right? (COCA, Sp CBS 2002)and help the congregation tear

down it down.(http://bayridgebrooklyn.blogspot.com/2008/02/rally-to-save-bay-ridge-methodist.html

)

Slide15

Adverb > affix(1) You can’t

open up it

because it is glued on. (Abe, 2.11.21,

Kuczaj

corpus)

to

pick up it

(Abe 3.4.08,

Kuczaj

corpus

)

There are 40 or more in the Spoken COCA, just with

up

and

it

:

somebodys

going to go to that phone and 

pick

 

up

 

it

.

(COCA, sp MSNBC 2005)

Slide16

have loss and renewal

(1) We're

assuming that the headache would 

have

 

not

 

have

 gone away if you hadn't taken the

placebo. (COCA

TalkNation

2010)

(2) This

may 

have

 

not

 

have

 turned out the way we wanted, but it was quite a

ride

(COCA

WashPost

2009)(3) It turns out that there have not

 have been, had not been nearly as much progress (COCA MeetPress 2008)

Slide17

with other adverbs:(4) And we 

've

 

actually

 

have

 gathered a lot of evidence today 

(COCA Dateline 2002)

(5) We

 

've

 

actually

 

have

 had some

surprises (COCA NPR Science 1997)

(6) I

 

've

 

never

 

have

 seen the specifics of how they want to do that (COCA ABC 2008)(7) some television stations have power generators and we 've

 never have lost ours (COCA TalkNation

2007)

Slide18

Have renewal

PerfP

Perf

vP

have v’

u-asp v ...

seen

i

-pf

Slide19

Many changes to the outer aspect:basically renewal of eroding material

change century

a.

ge

-/for- --> Ø C12-C14

b. modal

--> ASP

C15

c.

A/P --> ASP continual

d

. have

-->

-a

and renewed

C15

e.

to/do/

ing

in ASP C14-C17

f. I

eat now -->

-

ing

C19

Slide20

Now onto inner aspectThree types of inner aspect: durative, telic, and stative.

Arguments depend on this: durative has agent; telic has theme.

Change is slower; mostly keeps its inner aspect.

Slide21

Changes

Unaccusative

verbs > adding light verbs + labile

and

unergatives

> transitive + particle

Unaccusatives

> copulas

Unaccusatives

̸̸>

unergatives

;

Unergatives

̸̸>

unaccusatives

Psych

-verbs:

ObjExp

>

SuExp

; but not the other way round

.

Ditransitives

: little changes

Basic insight: biphasic and monophasic character remains

Slide22

From OE>ME: Loss of Intransitives

a

complete loss of the verb, e.g.

bifian

`to shake’,

the loss of prefixes and addition

of

resultative

particles, e.g.

aberstan

`burst out, escape’,

the

replacement by light verbs and adjective or noun, e.g.

emtian

`become empty

’,

a

change to labile verbs, e.g.

dropian

`drop’, i.e. alternating between causative and

unaccusative

, and

increase in (manner of) motion (

Fanego 2012)

Slide23

80 intransitives from Visser

a

berstan

`burst out, escape’

Th

particle verb

a

blican

`shine’

Th

obsolete

a

blinan

`cease, desist’

Th

obsolete

æfnian

`become evening’ 0 light v

æmtian

/

emtian

`become empty’

Th

light v (and labile)

ærnan

`run’ A labile (caus, unerg

, unacc)ætfellan `fall away’ Th

particle verbætglidan `disappear, glide away’ Th particle verb

ætslidan `slip, slide’ Th labileætspringan

`rush forth’ Th obsoleteaferscan `become fresh’, Th

light vafulian `become fowl, rot’ Th light va

latian `to grow sluggish’ Th obsoletealeoran

`to depart/flee’ Th obsoleteascortian `become short/pass away

’ Th light va

slapan `slumber, fall asleep’ Th obsolete

Slide24

berstan `burst’

Th

burst

labile (causative rare)

bifian

`tremble/shake’ A

obsolete

blinnan

`cease’

Th

obsolete

brogdian

,

brogdettan

`tremble’ A

obsolete

bugan

`bow down/bend’

Th

obsolete

cidan

`quarrel, complain’ A transitivecirman `cry (out)’

A obsoleteclimban (upp

) `climb’ A (same and) transitivecloccian `cluck, make noise’

A transitive (archaic)clum(m)ian

`mumble, mutter’ A obsoleteclymmian `climb’ A (

particle verb and) transitivecneatian `argue’ A obsolete

cneowian `kneel down’ A obsoletecnitian `dispute’

A obsoletecreopan `crawl’ A same

: creepcuman `come, approach, arrive’ Th

same: come (to)

Slide25

ResultsObsolete 44

Unchanged

11

Light v

8

Particle 6

Labile

6

Transitive 5

Total 80

Slide26

80 verbs in OE

The verbs

that are replaced by light verbs are

deadjectival

and

denominal

verbs, namely

æfnian

,

æmtian

,

aferscan

,

afulian

,

ascortian

,

dimmian

,

fordragan

,

and

gegyltan

:

all unaccusative verbs in Old English but the new light verb determines whether it is unaccusative or causative.

The change to labile verb affects ærnan, ætslidan

, berstan, droppian, droppetan, and

growan. Apart from ærnan, these are all unaccusative and end up with an optional causative. The case of

ærnan is complex; it is an unergative in Old English but acquires causative and unaccusative meanings.

Slide27

The new particle verbs replace a prefix, as in aberstan

,

ætfellan

,

ætglidan

,

forscrincan

,

forþgangangan

,

and

forþræsan

.

Like the prefixes, the new particles indicate a path or result and imply perfective aspect

.

The five

unergative

verbs that become transitive are

cidan

,

climban

,

cloccian

,

clymmian, and felan

. Cloccian is archaic but the others acquire a regular Theme.

Slide28

Obsolete?A possible pattern may be that many, among the 44 that become obsolete, are `uncontrolled process’:

bifian

`tremble/shake’,

brogdian

,

brogdettan

`tremble’,

cirman

`cry (out)’,

clum

(m)

ian

`mumble, mutter’,

flicorian

`flutter’,

giccan

`itch or hiccup’ ,

ginan

/

ginian

`yawn, gape, utter a sound’,

giscian

`sob’, glisian `glitter’, and glit(e)nian

`glitter, shine’. These verbs are durative but non-agentive.

Slide29

Acquisition

Bloom et al (1980) show that children are conscious of aspectual verb classes very early on. Thus, –

ed

morphemes go with non-durative events,

-

ing

with durative non-completive activities, and infinitives with

stative

verbs. Various researchers agree on this, e.g. Broman Olsen & Weinberg (1999) likewise show that a telic verb correlates with the presence of –

ed

and that –

ing

is frequent with dynamic and durative verbs.

The next slide

lists all the adjectives and verbs for Eve at the time of her first recording. All types of verbs are there and a few of the activity verbs are marked with –

ing

(

swimming

and

writing

) and a past is marked on an

unaccusative

(

broke

).

Slide30

Eve at 1;6

unaccusative

unergative

transitive

other

block broke

(

fish are) swimming

Eve

pencil

that

radio

(Neil) sit

wait, play, cook

I

did

it

down, busy, gone

look

Eve/you find it

Mommy down, open Eve writing see ya come down, stand dance doll

eat celery sit down, fall down Mommy step read the puzzle(finger) stuck Mommy swing? change her

lie down stool man (no) taste it get her/it

fix (it)/ Mommy fix bring it

want Mommy letter write a paper

man/papa have it (you) find it play

(step)

Slide31

Intransitives

Few mistakes in

acquisition

Bickerton

(1990: 185) suggests that the “universality of thematic structure suggests a deep-rooted ancestry, perhaps one lying outside language altogether

.”

Diachronic instability in the morphological expression of v/ASP but very predictable change:

unaccusative

> causative

unergative

> transitive

Aspect is stable

Next: copulas and psych-verbs

Slide32

Change to copulas etc...

English: duration

(

remain

and

stay

), change of state (

become

and

fall

), and mood (

seem

and

appear

).

Curme

(1935:

66-8): 60

copulas in

English;

“no other language shows such a vigorous growth of copulas” (67).

Visser

(1963: 213-9) lists over a 100 for the various

stages.Unaccusative > copula

appear, become, fall, go, grow, turn, wane, break, last, remain, rest, stay, continue

Slide33

Copulas in Modern English

Slide34

Sorace’s Hierarchy: Theme over Agent

Change

of Location

come

, fall, befall

Change of State

appear

, break, blush, become

Continuation remain, stay, persist, persevere,

loom

,

stand

, lie, rest

Existence of State

seem

Uncontrolled process shine

Controlled motion ---

Controlled non-motion

Slide35

Slide36

ObjExp SuExp

færan

/fear

OE-1480 1400-now

lician

/like OE-1800

1200-now

loathe OE-1600 1200-now

marvel 1380-1500 1380-now

relish 1567-1794

1580-now

Loss of causative

–

i

-

: many

Exp

verbs are

causative and therefore reanalyzed

fǽran

 <

*

fæ̂rjan `frighten

’

Slide37

Other productive causatives:

a-

hwænan

`vex, afflict’,

gremman

`enrage’,

a-

bylgan

`anger’,

swencan

`

harrass

’,

a-

þrytan

`weary’,

wægan

`vex’, and

wyrdan

`annoy’.

So, does the loss of the causative in

ferian cause reanalysis? Possibly with ferian

but not with marvel and relish.

Slide38

Object Exp are unstable, e.g. please

Slide39

`Last’ ObjExp with `fear’

(1)

Þe

fend

moveþ

þes

debletis

to

fere

Cristene

[

men] fro

treuþe

.

`The enemy moves these devils to frighten

Christian

men from the truth.’

(MED, a1425

Wycl.Serm. Bod 788 2.328)(2) Thus he shal

yow with his wordes fere. `Thus, he’ll frighten you with his words.’

(MED, Chaucer TC 4.1483)The addition of result/instrument in

ObjExp emphasizes Change of State in the later stages.

Slide40

First SuExp with `fear’

(1)

Fele

ferde

for

þe

freke

(z), lest

felle

hym

þe

worre

.

`Many feared for the man lest the worst

happened

to him.’

(MED, c1390 Gawain Nero A.10 1588)

(2) I fere me þat I

shuld stond in drede. `I fear that I shall stand in dread.’

(MED, a1500 Play Sacr. Dub 652 218)The ambiguity depends on whether the

postverbal pronoun is seen as a reflexive or not. Thus, it is not clear whether (2) means `I frighten myself that ...’ or `I fear that ...’

Slide41

Renewal of Object Experiencers anger, scare 1200 Old Norse

astonish

1375

unclear

grieve 1330 French

please 1350 Anglo-Norman

irritate 1531 Latin

stun

1700

internal change

worry 1807 internal change

Slide42

New ObjExp: new v-Cause(1) Suche daunsis, whiche

‥

dyd

with vnclene motions or countinances

irritate

the myndes of the dauncers to venereall lustes. (1531 Elyot

Bk. named Gouernour

i. xix. sig. Kijv)

(2) Impiety‥

doth

embitter

all the conveniencies and comforts of life.

(

a

1677 I. Barrow

Serm. Several Occasions

1678: 52)

(3) Which at first

did frighten

people more than any-thing. (1666 S. Pepys

Diary

4 Sept VII 275)

Slide43

Agent and Th > Th

/Cause

and

Exp

:

reintroduction of cause-v

(1)

a

. They

kill it [a fish] by first

stunning

it with a knock with a mallet. (OED 1662 J. Davies tr. A.

Olearius

Voy

& Trav. Ambassadors

165)

b. The

ball, which had been nearly spent before it struck him, had

stunned

instead of killing him. (OED, 1837 Irving Capt. Bonneville I. 271)

(2)

Why doe Witches and old women,

fascinate

and bewitch children? (OED 1621 R. Burton

Anat

Melancholy i. ii. iii. ii. 127)

Slide44

Current changes: ExpSu>Agent?

(1) I am liking/loving/hating it.

E.g. in COCA:

(2) how I got guard duty and how I'm going to be hating that and totally tired.

(3) and I am liking what I see in the

classrooms

(4)

lately we've been loving broccoli

rabe

, which

(5)

And so everybody in town

was knowing

that this was happening

(6)

I've been

fearing

the answers.

Slide45

Cyclical change in psych-verbs

ObjExp

stun fear `frighten’

SuAg SubExp

seeing/liking it

Slide46

Acquisition

Eve

(Brown 1973) has

SuExp

like, love, want

but not

ObjExp

anger, scare

; her

hurt

is

SuExp

initially.

Eve

love crayon (1;9

), want

mommy letter (1;6

),

want

watch

(1;6), want

mommy out

(1;6), want

lunch, want down, want mommy read (1;6) ... but: hurt xxx self (1;7), hurt knee

(1;9), I hurt my finger (1;11)Sarah has early

want (2;3), love (2;5), and hurt as in: I

hurt again (2;9.6). Her scare is late at 3;7:to scare me on the dark

(3;7.16)

Slide47

Linguistic conclusions

Changes:

Unaccusative

> causative (labile and light verbs)

Unergative

> transitive

Unaccusative

> copula

Increase in light verbs and particles

Increase

in

lability

: 80 > 800

Psych-verb

and copula: Theme is crucial and

stable

Slide48

Conceptual Structure?

Aspectual +/-telic, +/- durative is pervasive

Verbs always have a Theme argument but they don’t always have an Agent or Causer. The latter are introduced by optional light verbs which may be overt or not.

The

vP

shell is stable and may show the conceptual structure with an emphasis on aspect and theta-roles.

Slide49

Non-Werner References

Allen, Cynthia. 1995.

Case marking and reanalysis

.

OUP

Borer,

Hagit

2005.

In Name Only

. OUP.

Brinton, Laurel. 1988. The Development of English Aspectual Systems. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press

.

Gelderen, Elly

van 2011.

Valency

Changes.

JHL 1.1

: 106-143.

Gelderen, Elly van

2014. Changes in Psych-Verbs.

CJL 13

: 99-122.

Hale, Ken & Keyser, Samuel Jay. 2002.

Prolegomenon to a Theory of Argument Structure

. MIT Press

.

Jackendoff, Ray 1987. Consciousness and the Computational Mind. MIT Press.

Lavidas, Nikolaos 2013. Null and cognate objects and changes in (in)transitivity: Evidence from the history of English. Acta Linguistica

Hungarica 60.1: 69-106.Leiss, Elisabeth. 2000. Artikel und Aspekt. Berlin: Walter de Gruyter

.Levin, Beth & Malka Rappaport Hovav. 1995.

Unaccusativity. MIT Press.Lohndal

, Terje 2014. Phrase structure and argument structure. OUP.McMillion, Allan. 2006. Labile Verbs in English.

Stockholm PhD.Pinker, Steven 1989. Learnability and Cognition.

MIT Press.Ryan, John 2012. The Genesis of Argument Structure. Lambert AP.