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OnthediscoursedynamicsofExceptionalwhatQuestionsMuyiYangTeruyukiMizu OnthediscoursedynamicsofExceptionalwhatQuestionsMuyiYangTeruyukiMizu

OnthediscoursedynamicsofExceptionalwhatQuestionsMuyiYangTeruyukiMizu - PDF document

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Uploaded On 2021-07-05

OnthediscoursedynamicsofExceptionalwhatQuestionsMuyiYangTeruyukiMizu - PPT Presentation

5unyeahyametestophoshiiwantyoneSFPBettyYeahIwanthimtostopdoingthisXResponseto2ato2b6doohowshitadoPSTnoFINkaaruniCarlDATiratsuitebeunhappyBtoAWhathappenedYouseemunhappywi ID: 853654

asin nani oor ewh nani asin ewh oor issueness questions reason opno xresponseto intuition prog biezmaandrawlins2017 caponigroandsprouse2007 carl thereisnoreasonthatp

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1 OnthediscoursedynamicsofExceptionalwhat-
OnthediscoursedynamicsofExceptionalwhat-QuestionsMuyiYang&TeruyukiMizuno(UniversityofConnecticut)Thisstudyinvestigateswhatwecall`Exceptionalwhat-Questions'(Ewh-Qs),acrosslinguisticallyattestedphenomenoninwhichwhatisusednon-argumentally.InJapanese,forinstance,nani-o`what-ACC'in(1)isnotanargumentofmi(`see'),becausetheobjectisalreadysaturatedwithkocchi`here'(seeKurafuji1996andOchi1999forMandarin,Russian,Germanetc.).(1)anata-wayou-TOPnani-owhat-ACCjirojirosuspiciouslykocchi-ohere-ACCmi-tei-rusee-PROG-NPSTfnoFINdaCOP/noFINdesuCOP.POLkag?Qlit.`Whatareyoulookingatme?'(alsoimpliesthespeakerisannoyedbybeinglookedat)WeprovidetherstaccountofthediscourseeffectsthatEwh-Qshaveontheowofconversation.Weexplorethefollowingintuitions:(i)Ewh-Qsconveymeaningsclosetowhy-questions(Kurafuji1996,Ochi1999a.o.);(ii)Ewh-Qsarelikeassertionsinthatthespeakerdoesn'texpectananswer;and(iii)Ewh-Qsexpressthespeaker'ssurpriseatthedescribedevents(cf.Ochi1999,NakaoandObata2009).OuroverarchingclaimisthatanEwh-Qsignalsthespeaker'scommitmentthatthereisnoanswerforthewhy-questioninthecommongroundevenifthequestionisasked.Weteaseaparttheassertion-likeandthequestion-likecomponentsofthemeaningscarriedbyEwh-Qs,andarguethattheytargettheat-issue(AI)andthenon-at-issue(NAI)levelrespectively.ThediscoursefunctionofEwh-QsisderivedthroughtheinteractionbetweentheAIandtheNAIcontent.WealsoextendouranalysisofEwh-Qstorhetoricalquestions(RQs),anotherinterrogativeformthatisusedfornon-information-seekingpurposes.ComponentA:Non-at-issueness.Incontrasttostandardwhy-questions,Ewh-Qslackanaphoricpotentialsasquestions,asshownintheQ-Apairs(2a)/(3)and(2b)/(3).Theanaphorsore`that',whosefull-formequivalentis`thereasonwhyheissleepingontheoor',isfelicitouswith(2b)butnotwith(2a)(contraOchi1999a.o.'streatmentofnani-oassemanticallyequivalentwithwhy).(2)Context:AnnandBettyaretalkingaboutCarl,whoissleepingontheoor.aitsu-wathat.guy-TOPfa.nani-owhat-ACC/b.nazegwhyyuka-deoor-LOCne-tei-rusleep-PROG-NPSTnoFIN(da)?COPa.AnntoBetty:lit.`Whatisthatguy[=Carl]sleepingontheoor?'b.AnntoBetty:`Whyisthatguy[=Carl]sleepingontheoor?'(3)watashi-moI-alsosore-othat-ACCshir-itai.know-wantBetty:`Iwanttoknowit,too.'(#responseto(2a),Xto(2b))(4)#(dame?)badbeddo-gabed-NOMkowaretabrokekara.becauseCarl:`Anythingwrong?Mybedbroke.'(Xresponseto(2a)withdame)Fragmentbecause-answers(e.g.(4)withoutdame?))arealsooddastheresponseto(2a),butnotto(2b).However,because-answersbecomeacceptableinrespondingEwh-Qsifraisedindi-rectly,asin(4)withdame?.Giventhattheavailabilityofsalient(setsof)propositionalreferentsforanaphoradiagnosesat-issueness(Koev2018),wetake(3)and(4)asanindicationthattheinterrogativewhy-meaninginEwh-Qsarenon-at-issuecontent.ComponentB:At-issueness.AlthoughanEwh-Qdoesnothaveanapohricpotentialasaques-tion,itdoesprovideapropositionaldiscoursereferentforfutureanaphora,asintheresponseparticleun`yeah'in(5)(Krifka2013).Also,anEwh-QcanaddressaQuestionUnderDiscussion(cf.Simonetal2010'snotionofat-issuenessdenedintermsofrelevancewithQUDs),asin(6).1 (5)un,yeahyametestophoshiiwantyone.SFPBetty:`Yeah,Iwanthimtostop(doingthis).'(XResponseto(2a),#to(2b))(6)doohowshi-tado-PSTno?FINkaaru-niCarl-D

2 ATiratsuitebe.unhappyBtoA:`Whathappened?
ATiratsuitebe.unhappyBtoA:`Whathappened?Youseemun-happywithCarl.'(XContinuedby(2a))WearguethatanEwh-Q`nani-opno?'establishestheproposition`Thereisnoreasonthatp'asitsat-issuecontent.ThisisalsosupportedbythefactthatanEwh-Qcanbeaccepted,asin(5)orresponseslikeHai,sumimasen`Yes,I'msorry',orrejected,asin(4).Analysis.Wedene`nani-o...no?'(aswellaswhatinEwh-Qsofotherlanguages)asanEwh-QoperatorthatgivesrisetothediscourseeffectsdiscussedinComponentAandB.FollowingFarkasandBruce(2010),thesentenceform`nani-opno?'utteredbythespeakeraisafunctionfrominputtooutputcontexts,asin(7).WeassumethatacontextcisapentuplehA;T;DC;cg;psi,whereAisasetofconversationparticipants,Tisatablelistingastackofpropositionsrepresentingwhathavebeenproposed,DCmapseachconversationparticipanttoherpubliccommitments,cgisaStalnakeriancommongroundofsetsofpropositions,psisaprojectedsetrepresentingasetoffuturecgintheongoingconversationoncetheissuesonTaresettled.Inaddition,push(e,T)isastackoperationthataddsanitemetothetopofT.(7)JEwh-QK=p:a:c:Ac;push(fNo-Reason(p)g;Tc);DCac[fNo-Reason(p)g;cgc;fcgc[fqgjq2fNo-Reason(p),Reason1,...Reasonnggdenedonlyifp2cgc(whereJWhyp?K=fReason1,...Reasonng)AnEwh-Q`nani-opno?'proposestoupdatethecgcwith`Thereisnoreasonthatp',whileaddingittotheprojectedsetalongsidethepropositionsdenotedbythequestionWhyp?inapointwisefashion(weassumeHamblin-styledenotationofquestions).Inotherwords,thespeakerofanEwh-Qraisesaquestion(atNAIlevel)butalsoanswersthequestionbyherself(atAIlevel).Thiscapturestheassertion-likeandthequestion-likenatureofEwh-Qs(intuition(i)and(ii)).Inpar-ticular,theanswerproposedbythespeakersuggeststhatthequestionisunresolvable,resultinginthespeaker'ssenseofsurpriseattheevent(intuition(iii)).ThisanalysisalsocapturestheseveralrespondingmovesthatanEwh-Qallows.Itcanbeaccepted/rejectedbutnotdirectlyansweredbe-causeofthepropositionontopofT.Itcanbeansweredindirectly(cf.(4))onlywhentheanswererrejectsspeaker'sproposal(bypoppingoffthetopitemofTandthencommittingherselftooneofthefuturecgslistedintheps).Assumingthefacvitityofreasonandwhy,theAI/NAIcontentsalsopredictcorrectlythatthespeakerofanEwh-Qpresupposesp(inthesenseofStalnaker2002).Forexample,(2a)isinfelicitousifAnnbelievesthatBettyhasnoideaaboutCarl'sstrangebehavior.Rhetoricalquestions.RQsresembleEwh-Qsinthattheytakeoninterrogativeformsbutdonotrequireananswer.YetRQscanbeanswereddirectly,asin(8)–(9)(CaponigroandSprouse2007a.o.).ThiscanbeexplainedbyadifferentdivisionoflaborintheinterpretationofRQs:whatAIinRQsaddressesistrulyaquestion(i.e.thetopmostitemonTisaquestion),andNAIhighlightsthattheanswerisalreadyincg(CaponigroandSprouse2007,BiezmaandRawlins2017).(8)Q:Whowillwanttoliveinatownlikethis?A:Noone.(9)Mother:Whofedyouandgaveyoupropereducation?Son:Youdid.SelectedRefs.BiezmaandRawlins2017`Rhetoricalquestions'SALT27CaponigroandSprouse2007`Rhetoricalquestionsasquestions'SuB11FarkasandBruce2010`Onreactingtoasser-tionsandpolarquestions'JoSKoev2018`Notionsofat-issueness'LangLingCompKrifka2013`Responseparticlesaspropositionalanaphors'SALT23Ochi1999ConstrainsonFeatureChecking.UConndiss.Simonetal.2010`Whatprojectsandwhy'SALT202

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