WHUPVRIXVHDYDLODEOHDWKWWSVZZZFDPEULGJHRUJFRUHWHUPVKWWSVGRLRUJ6RZQORDGHGIURPKWWSVZZZFDPEULGJHRUJFRUH3DGGUHVVRQ6HSDWVXEMHFWWRWKHDPEULGJHRUHINTRODUCTIONInNovembertheDemocraticRepublicoftheCongohenceforth ID: 878033
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1 Cowsandguns.Cattle-relatedconflictandarm
Cowsandguns.Cattle-relatedconflictandarmedviolenceinFiziandItombwe,easternDRCongoNordicAfricaInstituteandGhentUniversity,UniversiteitstraatGhent,BelgiumIndependentresearcherABSTRACTThispaperanalysestheroleofcattleintheentwineddynamicsofconictandviolenceintheFiziandItombweregionofSouthKivuprovince,intheeasternDemocraticRepublicoftheCongo.Ontheonehand,agropastoralconintensiesarmedmobilisation,allowingarmedgroupstodrawuponparticularictnarrativesthatgeneratepopularandelitesupport.Italsocreatesincen-tivesforarmedactorstoengageincattle-looting,orthedefenceagainstit,forbothsymbolicandmaterialreasons.Ontheotherhand,thepresenceofarmedforcesandtheuseofviolenceprofoundlyshapeagropastoralconImportantly,theychangetheperceivedstakesoftheseconicts,andhampertheirresolution.Byshowingthattherelationsbetweencattle-relatedconandarmedactivityareindirect,complexandmutual,thepaperrenesboththeoriesonagropastoralconictandthosehighlightingtheroleoflocalictsinfuellingviolenceintheeasternCongo.*ThisarticlepartlydrawsuponresearchfundedbytheSwedishResearchCouncil[grant]andtheLife&PeaceInstitute.J.ofModernAfricanStudies),pp.©CambridgeUniversityPress W H U P V R I X V H D Y D L O D E O H D W K W W S V Z Z Z F D P E U L G J H R U J F R U H W H U P V K W W S V G R L R U J 6 ; ' R Z Q O R D G H G I U R P K W W S V Z Z Z F D P E U L G J H R U J F R U H , 3 D G G U H V V R Q 6 H S D W V X E M H F W W R W K H & D P E U L G J H & R U H INTRODUCTIONInNovember,theDemocraticRepublicoftheCongo(henceforththeCongo)helditssecondpresidentialandparliamentaryelectionsaftertheadoptionofapeaceaccordin.However,intheItombweareaoftheHautsPlateauxmountains,locatedattheintersec-tionoftheterritoriesofMwenga,FiziandUvirainSouthKivuprovince),citizenswerenotabletovote.Weeksofongoingtit-for-tatkillingsbetweenmembersoftheBabembeandBanyamulengecommu-nitiesimpededthearrivalofthevotingmaterial,whichhadtobecarriedonfootthroughtheimpenetrableItombweforest.Whilethereasonsforthisepisodeofviolencearemultiple,oneofthefactorsfosteringantag-onismbetweenthetwogroupsweretherepeatedmassivelootingsoftheBanyamulengescattlebytheBembe(agenericnameforsmall-scalearmedgroupsdrawingondiscoursesofautochthonyandself-defence)ofself-proclaimedGeneralAociintheMibundaarea.TheBabembe,fortheirpart,resentedtheoccasionaldestructionofeldsbytheBanyamulengescattle,anddeeplydistrustedtheBanyamulengerebelmovementForcesRépublicainesFédéralistesbelievedto
2 protectthiscommunityscows.Thisepisodeofv
protectthiscommunityscows.Thisepisodeofviolencethuspointstothecomplexinterplaybetweencattle-relatedtensions,armedgroupactivity,andinter-communityconicts,whichisanimport-antdriverofinstabilityinFiziandtheItombwepartofMwenga.Drawingonoverayearofintermittentethnographiceldworkcon-ductedbetweenbyeachauthorindividually,thisarticleanalysestherelationsbetweenagropastoralconictandarmedactivityinonesub-areaoftheeasternCongo.Howdothepresenceofstateandnon-statearmedforcesandtheeruptionofviolenceinpastandpresentchangethedynamicsofagropastoralconicts?Andinwhatwaysdodisputesbetweencattle-keepersandfarmersshapethesocialanddiscursivepracticesofarmedactors?Byanalysingtheseques-tions,thearticleaimstocontributetothecross-fertilisationoftwobodiesofliteraturethathavehithertooftenremainedseparate,namely,worksstudyingpastoralismandagropastoralconictontheonehand,andthosefocusingonthemicrodynamicsofviolentconict,inparticulararmedgroupactivity,ontheother.Inthismanner,weintendtonetheorieshighlightingtheroleoflocalconictsintheongoingviolenceintheeasternCongo,whicharepartofawiderlocalturninpeacebuildingpracticeandanalysis(HughesetalInthepartsofFiziandItombwestudiedherein,agropastoralconwhichoftenoverlapwithwiderinter-communitytensions,intersectwithJUDITHVERWEIJENANDJUSTINEBRABANT W H U P V R I X V H D Y D L O D E O H D W K W W S V Z Z Z F D P E U L G J H R U J F R U H W H U P V K W W S V G R L R U J 6 ; ' R Z Q O R D G H G I U R P K W W S V Z Z Z F D P E U L G J H R U J F R U H , 3 D G G U H V V R Q 6 H S D W V X E M H F W W R W K H & D P E U L G J H & R U H armedactoractivity,notablycattle-lootingandthedefenceagainstit.Thisintersectiontransformsthenatureofbotharmedmobilisationandagropastoralconict.Ontheonehand,agropastoralconictsinten-sifythemobilisationofarmedgroups,astheyallowthelattertodraw FiziandItombwe,showingapproximateareasofarmedgroupCOWSANDGUNS W H U P V R I X V H D Y D L O D E O H D W K W W S V Z Z Z F D P E U L G J H R U J F R U H W H U P V K W W S V G R L R U J 6 ; ' R Z Q O R D G H G I U R P K W W S V Z Z Z F D P E U L G J H R U J F R U H , 3 D G G U H V V R Q 6 H S D W V X E M H F W W R W K H & D P E U L G J H & R U H uponparticularconictnarrativesthatgeneratepopularandelit
3 esupport.Furthermore,theseconictsshapeth
esupport.Furthermore,theseconictsshapethepracticesofbothstateandnon-statearmedactors,incentivisingthemtoengageineithercattle-lootingoritsprevention,forbothsymbolicandmaterialreasons.Ontheotherhand,thepresenceofarmedforcesandtheuseofviolenceinpastandpresentprofoundlyinuenceagropastoralicts.Importantly,theychangetheperceivedstakesoftheseictsbyaddingalayerof(existential)threat,anderodemechanismstoachievetheirnon-violentresolution.Ouranalysisthusdemonstratesthatthereisnolinearcausalrelationshipbetweenlocalconictsandviolence.Rather,themechanismslinkingthesetwophenomenapassthroughvariousintermediarystages,whicharecruciallyshapedbythepresenceandpracticesofbotharmedgroupsandthenationalarmedforces,inparticularthelatterstendencytoengageinparticularisticpro-tectionarrangements,whichunderminestheirperceivedneutrality.Armedgrouppresence,inturn,isnotadirectoutcomeoflocalictseither,asarmedmobilisationrequiressustainednancialandorganisationalinputsthatareoftenprovidedbypoliticaleliteswhoarenotalwaysadirectpartytoagropastoralconicts.Furthermore,weshowthatthelinksbetweenlocalconictsandarmedmobilisationandviolencearenotunidirectional,butmutual:thepresenceofarmedforcesandtheoccurrenceofviolencecruciallyalterthenatureofconThepaperisorganisedasfollows.Afterabriefdiscussionofthelitera-tureonviolentagropastoralconict,weturntothecontextofFiziandItombwe,describingthewaysinwhichcattle-relateddisputesinthisregionhavehistoricallybecomeintertwinedwithinter-communityictandwarfare.Subsequently,weanalysehowthelegaciesoftheCongoWarshavetransformedconictsrelatedtotranshumance,high-lightingtheimportanceofethnicframings,autochthonydiscoursesandarmedgrouppresence,andhowthesephenomenahamperconregulation.Thenexttwosectionsdiscussarmedgroupactivity,focusingonhowitinducesboththemultiplicationandthemilitarisationofcattle-relatedconictsandchangestheirstakes.Subsequently,weexaminetheroleoftheCongolesenationalarmy,illustratinghowpopulardistrusttowardsthearmyanditstendencytoengageinprotectionpracticesarecrucialfactorsinlinkingconictstoarmedgroupactivity.Thecon-cludingsectiondetailstheimplicationsofourndingsforthetheorisa-tionofthelinksbetweenagropastoralconictsandviolenceandoftheroleoflocalconictsinarmedmobilisationandviolenceintheeasternCongomoregenerally.JUDITHVERWEIJENANDJUSTINEBRABANT W H U P V R I X V H D Y D L O D E O H D W K W W S V Z Z Z F D P E U L G J H R U J F R U H W H U P V K W W S V G R L R U J 6 ; ' R Z Q O R D G H G I U R P K W W S V Z Z Z F D P E U L G J H R U J F R U H , 3 D G G U H
4 V V
V V R Q 6 H S D W V X E M H F W W R W K H & D P E U L G J H & R U H THEORISINGTHERELATIONSBETWEENAGROPASTORALCONFLICTANDVIOLENCEictsbetweenwhatwewillcallhereindespitethetermsproblem-aticconnotationsdependingpredominantlyonlive-stockkeeping(herders/pastoralists)ontheonehand,andthoseprimarilyengagedincropfarming(farmers/agriculturalists)ontheother,aboundinSub-SaharanAfrica.Whilethereisanextensivelitera-tureonthedriversoftheseconicts,therehasbeenlesssystematicstudyofthequestionswhy,whenandhowtheseconictscontributetovio-lence.Onereasonisthatmanystudiesfailtomakeasharpconceptualdistinctionbetweenconictsandviolenceanddonotalwaysdifferenti-atebetweendifferenttypesofviolence,forinstancecommunal,interper-sonalandarmedgroupviolence(Husseinetal.).Moreover,onlyfewstudiesexaminethemicrodynamicsofviolence,whichrequiresthecomprehensivestudyofindividualinstancesofviolenceandthepro-cessesleadinguptothem,whiledistinguishingbetweenbroaderunder-lyingcausesandimmediatetriggers(Collins).Insum,muchoftheliteraturefailstodisaggregatethedynamicsofconictfromthedynam-icsofviolence.However,asarguedbyBrubaker&Laitin(violenceisnotaquantitativedegreeofconict,butaqualitativeformofconict,withitsowndynamicsTheanalyticalimprecisionsregardingviolenceanditsdriversareclearwhenlookingattheexplanatoryfactorsthatarecommonlycitedintheliteratureonviolentagropastoralconict.Thesefallintofourbroadcategories:()changingpatternsofresourceuseduetoenviron-mentalanddemographicfactors;(andidentity-relatedfactors;()politicalandinstitutionalfactors,oftenrelatedtomechan-ismsofdisputeresolutionandelitebehaviour;and()theproliferationofsmallarms.Notonlyistherenoconsensusontherelativecausalweightofeachofthesefactors,thecausalpathwaysbywhichtheyleaduptoviolenceoftenremainunspecied(Eaton).Aclearexamplearestudieshighlightingenvironmentalfactors,likedrought,ecologicaldegradationanddemographicincrease,whicharepositedtoleadtogrowingcompetitionforresourcesinducedby(e.g.Markakis;cf.Homer-Dixon).Yetwhileitisgenerallyrecognisedthatenvironmentaldegradationandgrowingpressuresonlandmightintensifyconicts,manyscholarshavepointedtotheanalyt-icalinadequaciesofthenotionofresourcescarcity,andemphasisedthatthelinkwithviolenceisnotself-evident(Hagmann;Bogale&KorfCOWSANDGUNS W H U P V R I X V H D Y D L O D E O H D W K W W S V Z Z Z F D P E U L G J H R U J F R U H W H U P V K W W S V G R L R U J 6 ; ' R Z Q O R D G H G I U R P K W W S V Z Z Z F D P E U L G
5 J H R U J F R U H , 3 D G G
J H R U J F R U H , 3 D G G U H V V R Q 6 H S D W V X E M H F W W R W K H & D P E U L G J H & R U H Similarconcernshavebeenraisedinrelationtoexplanationsfocusingandidentities,inparticularthoseconsideringformsofvio-lence,likeviolentcattle-raiding,afeatureofparticularpastor-alistcommunitieslife-worldsandregulatorymechanisms(Hendricksonetal;Abbink).Yet,fewstudiesfocusingoncustomsandformsofsocialidenticationareprimordialistordeterministinnature.Instead,themajorityascribehostilemutualrepresentationsheldbypastoralistsandfarmerstoacomplexinterplayofontheonehand,discoursesofethnicity,andontheotherhand,politicalandsocio-economicprocesses,likethenegativestereotypingofpastoralistsinstatediscourse(e.g.Umar)orintra-groupcompetitionleadingtoethnicoutbiddingetal.).Someofthesestudieshavealsodrawnattentiontotheimportanceofdiscoursesofautochthony,whichframe(semi)nomadicpastoralistsasoutsiders,whileidentifyingfarmersasdaughtersofthesoil;Pelican).Similartodiscoursesofethnicity(Brubaker&Laitin),theroleofnotionsofauto-chthonyinsparkingviolence,however,isbynomeansstraightforward,andtendstobeassumedratherthanproven(VerweijenAthirdclusterofexplanationsforviolentherder-farmerconhighlightspoliticalandinstitutionalfactors,includingtheerosionofestablishedmechanismsofconictresolutionandthecooperativeman-agementofnaturalresources.Theeffectivenessofstateinstitutions,suchasformalcourtsandstateadministratorsprovidinglitigation,maybeunderminedwhenthereisreducedtrustrelatedtoperceptionsofbias(Harshbarger)orcorruption(BenjaminsenetalCustomaryauthorityoftenerodesasaresultoffactorslikediminishingcohesionamongelders;theproliferationofarms-bearingyouthandchangesinthepoliticalsystem,suchasdecentralisationprocesses(Mwaura&Schmeidl;Beyene).Again,theliteraturedoesnotalwaysspecifyhowandwhytheerosionofestablishedconictreso-lutionmechanismsleadstoviolence;notbeingabletoresolveaconisonething,inictingphysicalharm,orsupportingotherstodoso,isquiteanother.Whilethecausalpathwaystowardviolenceoftenremainunspecionesub-strandofthepoliticallyorientedliteratureonviolenceandagro-pastoralconictdoesconceptualisecausalmechanismsmoreclearly.Thisliteraturepointstotheagencyofpoliticalandmilitaryelites,andanalyseshowitisaffectedbypoliticalprocessessuchaselections,dem-ocratisationanddecentralisation(Hagmann&Mulugeta).MostofthesestudiesfocusonareaswhereviolentJUDITHVERWEIJENANDJUSTINEBRABANT W H U P V R I X V H D Y D L O D E O H D W K W W S V Z Z Z F D P E U L G J H R U J F R U H W H U P V K W W S V
6 G R L R U J 6
G R L R U J 6 ; ' R Z Q O R D G H G I U R P K W W S V Z Z Z F D P E U L G J H R U J F R U H , 3 D G G U H V V R Q 6 H S D W V X E M H F W W R W K H & D P E U L G J H & R U H cattle-raidinghasassumedsignicantproportions,oftenaspartofbroadereconomiesofviolencecharacterisedbyrampantbanditry(AgadeMkutu).Theemergenceofsuchviolenteconomiesisgen-erallyascribedtomultipleinteractingprocesses,includinggrowingopportunitiesforthecommercialisationoflootedcattle(Hendricksonetal;Fleisher),manipulationbypoliticians(Greiner),andtheriseofpolitico-militaryentrepreneurs,includingwarlords/racketeers,whoengagetocarryoutcattleraids(Krätli&Swift;Odhiambo).Theliteraturefocusingonviolentcattle-raidingcommonlyalsohighlightsafourthfactoriden-edascontributingtoviolence,namely,theproliferationofsmallarms,whichissaidtocreatenewconictsandtotransformsocialrela-tions,inparticularbetweenyouthandelders(Mirzeler&Young).Itremainscontested,however,towhatextenttheprolif-erationofarmscontributesdirectlytoviolence.Somehavearguedthattheeffectsaremostlyindirectandareusuallyonlymanifestedininter-actionwithotherfactors(e.g.EatonWhilethebodyofliteratureonviolentcattle-raidingdiscussedaboveoffersquitespecicexplanationsforviolence,onlyasmallpartfocusesonagropastoralconict.Thereasonisthatinmostcontexts,cattle-lootingoccursprimarilyamonggroupsofpastoralists,ratherthanbetweencattle-herdersandfarmersoragropastoralists.AnexceptionisBeyenesworkoneasternEthiopia,inwhichheconcludesthatstockraidsaretheprincipalcauseofthefailureofinformalagreementstopreventconictbetweenpastoralistsandagropastoralists(Beyene).Thisobservationalsodrawsattentiontotheinverseofthequestionofhowconictsinuenceviolence,namely,thatoftheeffectsofviolenceonconicts.Violenceisgenerallyrecognisedtoleadtobreakdownsofregulatorymechanismsbetweenandamongpas-toralistsandagriculturalists,likefriendshippacts,nesandcompensa-tionsystems.Additionally,itfosterschangingpatternsofleadership,asitdisplacestheauthorityofelderstothebenetoflocal(politico-mili-tary)strongmen(morerarelywomen)(AgadeMkutuFurthermore,violentformsofbanditry,includingcattle-raiding,oftenbecomenewsourcesofconict,whichmaythencometofeedintonewroundsofviolence(Krätli&Swift).Theresultinginsecuritymayalsofosterthedevelopmentofvigilantes,whichinsomecasesarerelativelyeffectivemechanismsforcopingwithcattletheft(Abrahams).Inothercontexts,however,vigilantesmaycreateyetmorepro-blems,astheystartengagingincattle-lootingandotherformsofban-dit
7 ry,orcollaboratewithdeeplydistrustedgove
ry,orcollaboratewithdeeplydistrustedgovernmentforces.COWSANDGUNS W H U P V R I X V H D Y D L O D E O H D W K W W S V Z Z Z F D P E U L G J H R U J F R U H W H U P V K W W S V G R L R U J 6 ; ' R Z Q O R D G H G I U R P K W W S V Z Z Z F D P E U L G J H R U J F R U H , 3 D G G U H V V R Q 6 H S D W V X E M H F W W R W K H & D P E U L G J H & R U H Moreover,vigilantesaresometimeslinkedtoidentity-basedcommuni-tiesthatareinconictwithothersuchcommunities,thereforeendingupexacerbatingcommunalconict(AgadeMkutuThecomplexinterplaybetweencommunalconictandactsofvio-lence,whetherenactedbybanditsorarmedgroups,receivesgrowingattentionintheliteratureonviolenceand(agro)pastoralistconForinstance,Eaton()analyseshowmundaneincidentslikeinglyinsignicanttheft)may,throughmutuallyhostile(ethnic)framings,setinmotionadynamicoftit-for-tatkillingsthatspiralsoutofcontrol.Inasimilarvein,Fleisher()detectsaninter-actionbetweenindividualised,commercialisedcattle-raidingandwarfarebetweenclans,arguingthatclanwarfarenotonlyservestolegit-imiseraidsontheenemyscattleherdssolongastheghtingrages,butalsofostersandsustainsanatmosphereofinter-clanenmitythatpro-videssupportforcattle-raidingevenafterwar-timehostilitieshave.Thisrendersclanwarfarebothacauseandaneffectofcom-mercialisedraiding(FleisherInrelationtoFiziandItombwe,weobserveasimilarcomplexinter-playbetweencattle-lootingbyMai-Maigroupsandinter-communalictsbetweencattle-keepersandfarmers.Thus,theanalysispre-sentedinthispaperdrawsandfurtherelaboratesuponthelineofenquirysetoutbyEatonandFleisher,whoanalysethemicrodynamicsoftheintersectionsbetweendifferenttypesofconictsanddifferenttypesofviolenceinadisaggregatedmanner.Assuch,itpresentsane-grainedunderstandingoftheprocessesandfactorsdrivingcertainformsofviolenceintheeasternCongo.CATTLEANDWARINFIZIANDITOMBWEEachyear,duringthedryseason,whichlastsfromapproximatelyJunetillSeptember,tensionsinFiziandItombwerise.AscattlestarttheirdescentfromtheHautsPlateauxtogreenerpasturesineitherLulengeorNgandja(seeFigure),fearsgrowamongcultivatorsthattheireldswillbetrampledupon.Atthesametime,cattle-keepersworryabouttheircattlebeingstolenbysomeofthearmedgroupsgenericallycalledMai-Mai.Theresultingtensionsarenotpurelytheproductoffearsformaterialdamage.Duetoalonghistoryofinter-communityconictsandepisodesofviolence,whichhavebecomeentwinedwithcattle-relatedconict,transhumanceandcattle-lootinghavepronouncedJUDITHVERWEIJENANDJUSTINEBR
8 ABANT W H U P V R I X V H D Y D
ABANT W H U P V R I X V H D Y D L O D E O H D W K W W S V Z Z Z F D P E U L G J H R U J F R U H W H U P V K W W S V G R L R U J 6 ; ' R Z Q O R D G H G I U R P K W W S V Z Z Z F D P E U L G J H R U J F R U H , 3 D G G U H V V R Q 6 H S D W V X E M H F W W R W K H & D P E U L G J H & R U H identity-relatedandsymbolicdimensions,whichshapethewaysinwhichthesepracticesareframedandexperienced.WhileseveralcommunitiesinFiziandItombwehavecattle,thegroupthatmostdependsonitfortheirlivelihood,andwhoarelocallyiden-edas,aretheBanyamulenge.ThelatterareaTutsigroupwhoselanguageisconsideredtobeavarietyofKinyarwanda,hencewhoares(Kinyarwandaspeakers).Migratinginthepre-colonialerawiththeircattlefrompresent-dayRwandaandBurunditowhatisnowSouthKivu(Depelchin),thecolonialauthoritiesdeniedthisgroupachefferieagrandie(enlargedcustomarychiefdom)oftheirown.Consequently,theyhadtopaytributetothecus-tomarychiefs(,singular)fromothercommunitiesandhadnolandoftheirown(Vlassenroot).ThisunequalaccesstolandandlocalauthoritywouldbecomeanimportantsourceoffrictionsbetweentheBanyamulenge,andneighbouringcommunities,notablytheBabembe,Bafuliiru,BanyinduandBavira.Inthelife-worldoftheBanyamulenge,whoselivelihoodandwell-beingdependoncattle,cowsarepartofthesamemoralcommunityashumans.Thiselevatedstatusisreectedinawell-developedtraditionofpastoralpoetryandsongsandexpressionsthatpraisecows,likekirutainka(nothingexceedsthevalueofacow)(Presidentofcattle-int.).Additionally,wealth,includingthedowry(bride-wealth),isgenerallyconceptualisedintermsofcows(Rukundwa).Whilethisisalsothecaseforcertainothercommunitiesinthearea,inparticulartheBafuliiru,othergroups,suchastheBabembe,havedowrycustomarilygiveningoats,whichcreatesobstaclestointer-marriagewithBanyamulenge.Anothergeneraldifferencebetweencom-munitiesprimarilyorientedtowardsagricultureandthosefocusedoncattleistheconceptualisationofandvalueattachedtoland.WhereastheBanyamulengeseelandprimarilyintermsofgrazinggrounds,formostagriculture-orientedcommunities,landhasnotonlyelevatedeconomicsignicance,asthemainsourceoflivelihood,butalsobearssocio-culturalandsymbolicvalue.Accesstocommunallyheldlandisapreconditionforinsertionintothecommunityssocialnetworks,andisthereforeacrucialunderpinningofsocialcohesionandidentinotleastasittiespeopleintoareciprocalrelationshipwiththe(customarychief)andthe(councilofelders).Thisrelationshipentailsdisplayingloyalty,includingbypayingdifferenttypesoftri
9 bute(customarycontribution),inexchangefo
bute(customarycontribution),inexchangeforbasicformsofsocialsecurityandsolidarity,forinstanceintimesofdisappointinghar-vests(cf.VanAcker).AccordingtoBembecustomaryauthorities,COWSANDGUNS W H U P V R I X V H D Y D L O D E O H D W K W W S V Z Z Z F D P E U L G J H R U J F R U H W H U P V K W W S V G R L R U J 6 ; ' R Z Q O R D G H G I U R P K W W S V Z Z Z F D P E U L G J H R U J F R U H , 3 D G G U H V V R Q 6 H S D W V X E M H F W W R W K H & D P E U L G J H & R U H theconnectiontothesoilisalsospiritual,asthespiritsoftheancestors,inSwahilicommonlycalledmizimuwamababu,arebelievedtoguardtheland,thusensuringtheconnectionbetweenpreviousandcurrentgen-erationsandbetweenthecommunityanditsland(ChiefofBasimunyakaclanThenexusbetweenland,socialidenticationandpoliticalorganisa-tionwasstronglyreinforcedbythecolonisersapproachtolocaladmin-istration,inparticulartheirrelianceoncustomarychiefsrepresentingxedethniccommunitiesasintermediaries,whichfosteredtheterritorialisationofethnicityandtheethnicisationoflocalauthority).Theseentwinedprocessessowedtheseedsfortheriseofadiscoursethatportrayedcommunitieswithoutalandoftheirown,liketheBanyamulenge,aswhodidnothavetherighttoCongolesecitizenship.ThisdiscoursebecameparticularlysalientwhentheBanyamulengesteppeduptheireffortstobeaccordedalocaladministrativeentityoftheirownintheperiodfollowingtheCongosindependencein.Neighbouringcommunitiesexperiencedthisactivismasathreattotheirlandsandpower,leadingthemtoemphasisetheirstatusasdaughtersofthesoilvs.theBanyamulengeasputativeThisnativesvs.foreignersdistinctionoftenoverlappedwithadichotomybetweenontheonehand,groups,commonlypor-trayedaspastoralists,andontheotherhand,populations,per-ceivedtodependprimarilyonagriculture(Jackson).Itisthisoverlaywiththeautochthonydiscourseanditsprofoundpoliticisation,ratherthandifferencesinlife-worldsstemmingfromdivergentliveli-hoodorientationsperse,thathasbeenacrucialdriverofconbetweentheBanyamulengeandothergroups.AnimportantcatalystofthepoliticisationofautochthonydiscourseswasthelegacyoftheSimbarebellionthatswepttheregionafewyearsaftertheCongosaccessiontoindependence.Inspiredbytherevolu-gureofPierreMulele,theSimbarebelsrevoltedagainsttheancienrégimeaccusedofcomplicitywithcolonialoppressionandimperi-alism(Verhaegen).Obtaininganumberofquickmilitarysuc-cesses,theSimbaweresoonbeatenbackbyanoffensiveoftheNationaleCongolaise(ANC),theCongolesearmy,whichwaslaunchedattheendofwi
10 ththehelpofmercenariesandforeignmilitary
ththehelpofmercenariesandforeignmilitaryassistance.Inresponse,therebelswithdrewintotheHautsPlateauxwherethecowsoftheBanyamulengebecametheirmainsourceofsup-plies.ThisantagonisedtheBanyamulenge(Rukundwa),prompt-ingtheirself-defencegroupcalled(derivedfromJUDITHVERWEIJENANDJUSTINEBRABANT W H U P V R I X V H D Y D L O D E O H D W K W W S V Z Z Z F D P E U L G J H R U J F R U H W H U P V K W W S V G R L R U J 6 ; ' R Z Q O R D G H G I U R P K W W S V Z Z Z F D P E U L G J H R U J F R U H , 3 D G G U H V V R Q 6 H S D W V X E M H F W W R W K H & D P E U L G J H & R U H Frenchfor)tosidewiththeANC.Thelatterstartedtoprovidelogisticalsupport,includingarmsandammunitions,tothe,whodefendedtheBanyamulengescattleagainsttheSimba(Chungutiint.).GiventhattherebelsconsistedmostlyofBabembeandBafuliiru,ghtingsparkedbythecounter-insurgencyeffortassumedthechar-acterofinter-communitywarfare,wherebycattlesymbolicallymarkedthefaultline.ThisexplainstheprominentplacethatcattleoccupyinmemoriesoftheSimbawar,whichisgenerallyidentiedasthestartingpointofdeterioratingrelationsbetweentheBanyamulengeandothercommunities(Vlassenroot).Hence,theviolenceenactedduringtheSimbarebellionsubstantiallyimpactedthelaterdevelopmentofcommunalandcattle-relatedconAsimilarnexusofinter-communitytensionsandviolencewouldemergeduringtheFirst( )andSecond( CongoWars,whentheBanyamulengeralliedtoRwanda-ledinsurgenciesthatwereresistedbyBembe,FuliiruandViraMai-Maigroups.Again,cattlesymbolicallymarkedthefaultlines,andweretransformedintowarresourcesasMai-Maigroupsengagedinmassivecattle-looting.InSeptember ,betweencowswerestoleninLulengebyMai-MaielementsofcommanderNgomanya,provokingerceclashes.Ayearlater,anothercowswerelootednearKisanga(seeFigure),closetoMinembwe(ChefdesecteurBasimunyaka-Sudint.).Inresponsetothismenace,theBanyamulengesuspendedtranshu-mancetothedistantNgandjasectorofFiziandsolicitedprotectionfromtroopsoftheRassemblementCongolaispourlaDémocratie(RCD),theRwanda-backedinsurgencythatoccupiedlargepartsoftheKivupro-vinces.ThisprotectionarrangementwasgreatlyfacilitatedbythefactthatcertainBanyamulenge,includingthoseowningmanycattle,heldimportantpositionsintheRCDspoliticalandmilitarybranches,whichwerepresentintheHautsPlateaux.Inexchangeforsendingcombatantstoguardtheircattleduringtranshumance,representativesofcattle-ownerswouldgivetheRCDcommanderinMinembweanancialcontri-butiontopayforsoldiersf
11 oodandboots(Banyamulengecattle-owners
oodandboots(Banyamulengecattle-ownersint.).ThisarrangementindicateshowduringtheCongoWars,armedactorsbecamecloselylinkedtopracticesrelatedtocattle,whetherbybeinginvolvedinitslootingorintheprotectionagainstsuchlooting.WhiletheSecondCongoWarformallyendedin,armedgroupactivityinFiziandItombwecontinued,likeinotherareasoftheeasternCongo.Aspartofthepeaceprocess,boththeRCDandMai-MaigroupsweresupposedtointegratetheirtroopsintothenewlyconstitutedCOWSANDGUNS W H U P V R I X V H D Y D L O D E O H D W K W W S V Z Z Z F D P E U L G J H R U J F R U H W H U P V K W W S V G R L R U J 6 ; ' R Z Q O R D G H G I U R P K W W S V Z Z Z F D P E U L G J H R U J F R U H , 3 D G G U H V V R Q 6 H S D W V X E M H F W W R W K H & D P E U L G J H & R U H nationalarmy,theForcesArméesdelaRépubliqueDémocratiqueduCongo(FARDC).However,manycommandersandtroopsinFiziandItombwerefusedtointegrate,foravarietyofreasons.Importantly,thelogicofpower-sharingcreatedincentivesforongoingmobilisation,asthosedisappointedwiththeranksandpositionstheyhadbeenallocatedintheFARDCtookuparmstonegotiatebettertermsofintegration.Anotherreasonwasseveredistrustbetweencommunitiesandtowardsthenationalarmy,notbelievedtobeableandwillingtoprotectciviliansincaseofattacks,includingfromthenumerousforeignrebelgroupsthatcontinuedtoroamonCongolesesoil(ErikssonBaaz&Verweijen;Verweijen).InFiziandItombwe,theresultingfeelingsofinsecuritywereinpartinformedbyfearsforrecurrentcattle-lootingandtranshumance-relatedconicts,whichmostlycentreondevastatedelds.Theseconictshavenotonlybecomemorenumerous,theyhavealsobecomemoredifculttoresolvethanbeforethewars(Brabant&TheupsurgeinviolenceduringtheCongoWarshasdeterioratedinter-communityrelationsandentrenchedmutualdistrustbetweentheBanyamulengeandothergroups.Asaconsequence,individualinci-dentsrelatedtotranshumanceareoftenseenthroughthegridsofintel-ligibilityofinter-communityconicts,thusinscribingthemwithwider(symbolic)meanings.InthewordsofamemberoftheCadredeConcertationIntercommunautaire(CCI),alocalagropastoraldisputereso-lutioncommittee:Cattleherdersaretooproud,theybelievethatthefarmerisagood-for-nothing,asimpleslave.Sometimestheyevenmovearoundwithouttakingthecustomarychiefintoconsideration.Butwhiletheownersoftheherdsarehaughty,thefarmershavedisdainfortheherders.(SecretaryofCCIAsthisquoteshows,bothsidesaccuseeachotherofnotwantingtoenterintodialogue.WhileBabembeandBafuliiruoftenaccusetheBanyamulengeofbe
12 ingarrogant,framingthemasTutsiwhofeelthe
ingarrogant,framingthemasTutsiwhofeelthem-selvessuperior(Civilsocietyactivistint.),BanyamulengedescribetheBabembeandtheBafuliiruashot-headedandviolent,pullingtheirmacheteswhenevertheygetintoaconict(ChefdeofKakengeThesalienceofnarrativesofinter-communityconicthasalsocon-tributedtochangesinthemeaningsandeffectivenessofthesystem,thecustomarycontributionthatcattle-keeperspaytothedegroupementcontrollingthelandsthatcattlepassandgrazeonJUDITHVERWEIJENANDJUSTINEBRABANT W H U P V R I X V H D Y D L O D E O H D W K W W S V Z Z Z F D P E U L G J H R U J F R U H W H U P V K W W S V G R L R U J 6 ; ' R Z Q O R D G H G I U R P K W W S V Z Z Z F D P E U L G J H R U J F R U H , 3 D G G U H V V R Q 6 H S D W V X E M H F W W R W K H & D P E U L G J H & R U H (Brabant&Nzweve).CustomarychiefsofothercommunitiesaccusetheBanyamulengeofhavingseizedupontheCongoWars,andthepoliticalandmilitarystrengththeyenjoyedduringthatperiod,toreduceorstopthepaymentof,whichisalsoincreasinglyseeninpurelymonetary,ratherthansocial,terms.AsachefdegroupementBeforethewar,they[Banyamulenge]paidthewithoutanyproblem;milk,goats,chickens,cowsButthen,becausetheyhavebecomearmed,theyhavewantedtoimposethemselves.Since,Ihavenotreceivedtheanymore.(ChefdegroupementofBasimukindjeWhilethisreadingiscontestedbyBanyamulengecattle-keepers,whogenerallyemphasisethattheyhavecontinuedtopay,itisindicativeofhowdistrusterodesmechanismsofsocialregulation.Thecontinuingpresenceofarmedgroupsrecruitedfromamongcertaincommunitiesstronglyperpetuatesthemutualdistrustbetweencattle-keepersandfarmers,andunderminestheeffectivenessofict-resolutioninitiativesliketheCCI.Inparticular,itmakeseachsidefearthattheotherpartytotheconictwilladoptanintransigentattitude,astheycanmobilisearmedactorstobackuptheirposition,ortakerecoursetoarmedforcewhendissatisedwiththeoutcomeofeffortstosettlethedispute.Evenwhennopartyhassolicitedarmedactorstointervene,theiropponentsmaystillbelievethistobethecase.Forinstance,theymaysuspectthattheopposingcampconvincedtheMai-Maitostealcattleinordertotakerevenge,therebydestroyingapreviouslyreachedsettlement.Suspicionsofarmedactorinterferenceindisputesareallthemoreunderstandableinthelightofthewidespreadoccurrenceofthisprac-ticethroughouttheeasternCongo(ErikssonBaaz&VerweijenThisinterferencetendstobeatwo-waystreet:ontheonehand,armedactorsimposethemselvesonallsortsofcommunal,familyandinter-personalconicts.Ontheotherhand,civilians,includi
13 ngauthor-ities,activelysolicitsuchinterv
ngauthor-ities,activelysolicitsuchinterventions,inthiswaytryingtoreinforcetheirownpowerpositionandsettlepersonalconictsandscores(ErikssonBaaz&Verweijen).WhilethemechanismschannellingtheseinterventionsresemblethoseofMaa-likeprotection(Gambetta),theydonotalwaysinvolvemonetarycompensation.Rather,theymayalsostemfromsocialrelationshipsthatprimarilyrevolvearoundpatronage.Suchparticularisticprotectionmechanismsarealsomobilisedforcattle-relatedissues.Armedgroupmembersmay,forinstance,interveneinconictsrelatedtocattle-theftortheCOWSANDGUNS W H U P V R I X V H D Y D L O D E O H D W K W W S V Z Z Z F D P E U L G J H R U J F R U H W H U P V K W W S V G R L R U J 6 ; ' R Z Q O R D G H G I U R P K W W S V Z Z Z F D P E U L G J H R U J F R U H , 3 D G G U H V V R Q 6 H S D W V X E M H F W W R W K H & D P E U L G J H & R U H destructionofagriculturalelds,byintimidatingherdersorfarmersbelievedtohaveattackedcows.Unsurprisingly,suchmilitarisedinter-ventionsrarelyleadtotheofconicts,asthedisadvantagedpartytendstocontestthelegitimacyoftheusedprocedure.Bycontrast,thesepracticestendtoaggravateconicts,creatingnewgrievancesandfeelingsofinjustice.Additionally,theymaypromptthedisadvantagedpartytosolicitprotectionfromarmedactorstoo,creatingcyclesofrevengeactionsthatmaysparkwiderviolence(ErikssonBaaz&).Suchviolenceisonlyindirectlyrelatedtotheoriginalictaroundtranshumanceorstolencattle,andcriticallyresultsfromthepracticesofarmedactors,ratherthanthoseofthe(civilian)partiestotheconictalone.MAIMAIGROUPSLOOTINGASAUTODÉFENSEForseveralMai-MaigroupsoperatinginFiziandItombwe,notablythegroupsofMulumba,Yakotumba,andpreviously,AssaniNgungu)andAoci()(see),thestealingandofcattleoccupyaprominentplaceintheirrepertoiresofvio-lenceandincomegeneration.Duringtranshumance,combatantsoftheMai-MaiMulumbamayshowupontheroadanddemandherderstogivethemacontributioneitherinmoneyorinkind,toensureasafecontinu-ationoftheirjourney.Theyoftencallthis,therebyappropriatingthediscoursesandauthorityofcustomarychiefs.Thedemandedamounts(usuallyreferringtoheadsofcattle)dependontheintentionsoftheMai-Maigroupinquestionandtheoutcomeofcomplexnegoti-ationprocesses,whicharestronglyshapedbythetypeanddegreeofcoercioninvolved.WhileinsomecasesMai-Maightersmayapproachtheherderandsimplyaskforacontribution,inothers,theyrstencircleandcapturetheherd,makingliberationconditionaluponpayment(VeterinarianofMutambalasectorint.).ItalsoregularlyoccursthatMai-
14 Maicombatantsattackherders,killingortort
Maicombatantsattackherders,killingortorturingthem.AnothersystemofwealthextractionemployedbyMai-Maigroupsismoreorlessorganised,wherebyherderspayaxedamountforeveryheadofcattlethattraversestheMai-Maisareaofcontrol.Forexample,atthestartofthetranshumanceseasonin,theMai-MaiAocisentamessagetocattle-ownersthattheywouldneedtopay$foreachcowpassingtheiref(Life&PeaceInstitutehavealsobeenimposedbytheMai-MaiMulumba,whotendtoerectbarriersontheroadfromMinembwetoLulenge(seeJUDITHVERWEIJENANDJUSTINEBRABANT W H U P V R I X V H D Y D L O D E O H D W K W W S V Z Z Z F D P E U L G J H R U J F R U H W H U P V K W W S V G R L R U J 6 ; ' R Z Q O R D G H G I U R P K W W S V Z Z Z F D P E U L G J H R U J F R U H , 3 D G G U H V V R Q 6 H S D W V X E M H F W W R W K H & D P E U L G J H & R U H ),butmayalsocollectduringvisitstovillages,forcingcattle-keeperstopayFrancscongolais(about$)each(CivilsocietyactivistsAsidefromimposedcontributionsand,Mai-Maigroupssometimesstealcattle.Thiseithertakestheformofsmall-scaletheft,whichmayalsobecommittedbybanditsnotconnectedtoarmedgroups,orbemassivelootingsprees,withhundredsofcowsbeingtakenduringwell-preparedmilitaryoperations.Attacksoncattleconsti-tuteanimportantsourceofincomefortheMai-Mai.Cowsaresoldforonaverageof$,dependingontypeandquality,whicharehugesumsforthelowerstrataofCongolesesociety.Bycomparison,theofcialsalaryofanFARDCsoldierduringmid-wasapproxi-mately$permonth,withofcersearningonlyslightlymore).However,whileforcertainMai-Maigroups,suchastheMai-MaiAociandMulumba,revenuesfromcowsappeartocon-stituteaconsiderable,ifnotthelargest,shareoftheirincome,forothergroupsthisisnotthecase.Thesegroupsderivealargerpartoftheirrevenuesfromsourcessuchasimposedcontributionsinkind(e.g.foodstuffs,goats)onvillages,andvariousandprotectionfeesleviedatmarkets,roadsandartisanalminingsites(cf.Van).Somegroups,liketheMai-MaiYakotumba,alsoreceivedonationsfrompoliticians,likenationalmembersofparliament,whosympathisewiththeircauseorhopetogainvotesintheirsphereofuence,andwhoarecommonlyfromthesameethnicgroupastheMai-Maileadership(UNSCInadditiontooutofmonetaryinterest,Mai-Maigroupsalsotargetcattleforsymbolicreasons,inthiswayhopingtorallythepopularandelitesupportthatbringsresourcesandrecruits,andallowsforenhancedsocialcontrol.Thesesymbolicstakesarereectedinthediscursivefram-ingstheyadopt,whichportraycattle-lootingasaformofdefence)ofcultivatorsagainstthedestructioninictedbycows,henc
15 ealegitimateformofviolentactiontodefendt
ealegitimateformofviolentactiontodefendtherightsofcultivators.InthewordsofamemberoftheMai-MaiMulumba:TherewheretheBafuliirucultivate,theBanyamulengesendtheircows.WhentheBafuliiruhavecows,theyguardthemwellandtheyrapidlyapolo-gisewhenthereareproblemsinrelationtoaeld.ButtheBanyamulenge,theydonotwanttoindemnifythedestructionscausedbytheircows.ThisiswhytheBafuliiruhavesaid:Ifyoudonotwanttoguardyourcowswell,wewillrevoltMulumbastillrefusesthatthecowsoftheBanyamulengearriveinhisefanddestroytheelds:theMai-MaiMulumbadefendthecultivators.(SpokespersonMai-MaiMulumbaCOWSANDGUNS W H U P V R I X V H D Y D L O D E O H D W K W W S V Z Z Z F D P E U L G J H R U J F R U H W H U P V K W W S V G R L R U J 6 ; ' R Z Q O R D G H G I U R P K W W S V Z Z Z F D P E U L G J H R U J F R U H , 3 D G G U H V V R Q 6 H S D W V X E M H F W W R W K H & D P E U L G J H & R U H Mai-Maigroupsmayalsopresentcattle-lootingasanattackontheBanyamulenge/Tutsicommunityanditsputativeexpansionisttenden-cies,henceaformofautodéfenseinvadingfor-andtheirambitionstograbtheirancestrallands.Suchinvasionsaresometimesalsoassociatedwithtranshumance,withcattlebeingimaginedasaoccupyingautochthonesFramingtranshumanceinsuchtermsnotonlyreectstheMai-Maiworldviews,butalsoallowsthemtocapitaliseuponexistingfrustrationsamongcultivatorsaboutthispractice(Brabant&NzweveHowever,notallfarmerssupporttheMai-Mai.Theattitudesofthepopulationtowardsthesegroupsareheterogeneous,ambiguousanductuating(Verweijen),andthesameappliestotheirengage-mentincattle-looting.Thespoilsoflarge-scalecattle-lootingaregener-allynotsharedwiththeordinaryfarmer,whoalsotendstoheavilysufferfromtheresultingtensionsandinsecurity.Itisthereforenotsurprisingthatfarmersoftenstatetoregretsuchacts,fearingrevengeactionsfromthesideoftheBanyamulenge(Representativeslocalcommunityorgani-int.).Paradoxically,itistheseveryfeelingsofinsecurityandfearsforrevengethatfosteracertainsupportforMai-Maigroups,especiallyintheabsenceofnationalarmedforcesperceivedaswillingandcapabletoprotectthepopulation.Althoughfarmersmayhavemixedfeelingsaboutcattle-lootingbytheMai-Mai,thosewhosecowsaretargetedprimarilytheBanyamulengeoftendonotperceivethisambivalence.Instead,theytendtoassumethatcattle-lootingreectsthewillofthecommunitiesoutofwhosemidstMai-Maigroupsarerecruited.Mai-Maigroupsarecommonlydescribedthechildrenofacertaincommunity,whichsuggestsacloselink.Asaresult,cattle-lootingisseenasanattackbyane
16 ntirecommu-nityonanothercommunity.Duetot
ntirecommu-nityonanothercommunity.Duetotheviolenthistoryofinter-commu-nityrelationsinthispartofSouthKivu,whichresonateswiththewiderhistoryofanti-TutsiviolenceintheGreatLakesRegion,includingtheRwandangenocide,theBanyamulengereadilyregardsuchattacksasanexistentialthreat.AsaMunyamulengeeldercommented:[MaiMai]areallthesame.Wewillnevertrustthemasweknowwhattheyhavedonetousduringthewar(Villageelderint.).Thisper-ceptionexplainswhyBanyamulengearmedgroupsmayrespondtocattle-looting,experiencinganimmediateneedtodefendtheirowncommunity,anddiscursivelypresentingtheiractionsaccordingly.Consequently,BabembeandBafuliiruoftenconsiderthepracticesofBanyamulengerebelgroupsliketheFRFtoexpressthewilloftheBanyamulengecommunity,includingwhenitconcernsattacksonJUDITHVERWEIJENANDJUSTINEBRABANT W H U P V R I X V H D Y D L O D E O H D W K W W S V Z Z Z F D P E U L G J H R U J F R U H W H U P V K W W S V G R L R U J 6 ; ' R Z Q O R D G H G I U R P K W W S V Z Z Z F D P E U L G J H R U J F R U H , 3 D G G U H V V R Q 6 H S D W V X E M H F W W R W K H & D P E U L G J H & R U H theirvillages.However,heretoo,therelationsbetweencommunitiesandarmedactorsaremorecomplexthandominantnarrativesassume,andmanyBanyamulengeinfactdonotapproveofsuchattacks.BANYAMULENGEFORCESPROTECTIONAftertheadoptionofthenalpeaceaccordin,themainmilitaryforceontheHautsPlateauxofFiziandItombwewasthetroopsofqueMasunzu,aMunyamulengecommanderwhohadrevoltedagainsttheRCDandtheRwandanarmyduringtheSecondCongoWar.Thisunit,whichwaseventuallytransformedintothebrigadeFARDC,wasnoteagertoparticipateinthearmyintegrationprocess,inlargepartbecauseMasunzuwantedtoholdontohispowerpositiononthe.MasunzufeltparticularlythreatenedbytwodissidentBanyamulengefactions(ledbyVenantBisogoandRukunda)thatemergedinthecourseofandthatmergedintoformtherebelgroupFRF(Verweijen&Vlassenroot).Thecontinuingpresenceofnon-integratedMai-Maiforces,includingthoseresponsibleformassivecattle-looting,furtherreducedMasunzusenthusiasmformixinghistroopswiththenationalarmy.Despiteseriousghting,Masunzusbrigade,whichrmlycontrolledtheMinembwearea,couldnotpreventtheFRFfromconsolidatingitsholdovertheMibundaandKamomboareasofthe).Becomingthedefactogovernorsofthatzone,therebelsdevelopedconsiderablepopularityamongtheBanyamulengepopulationthere,inpartasthelatterfeltthattheyandtheircattlewerenowbetterprotectedagainsttheMai-Mai(VillageIndeed,theFRFgenerallytriedtodefendtheBanyamulengeandtheirp
17 ropertyagainsttheMai-Mai,whomtheyportray
ropertyagainsttheMai-Mai,whomtheyportrayedaspurelycrim-inalbands,whosemainactivityistostealcows.Forexample,thesupremecommanderoftheFRF,MichelRukunda,stated:Forus,theAociarejustarmedrobbers(MakanikaHowever,byascribingtheMai-Maipurelyeconomicmotives,theydown-playedthatthesegroupsalsoexpressedgrievancesthatwerewidelyfeltamongthenon-BanyamulengepopulationoftheInparticular,theBabembeinItombwefeltthreatenedbythehegemonyoftheall-BanyamulengeFRFandtheirdemandstore-erectaseparateadministra-tiveunitcarvedoutofthecustomaryterritoryofothercommunities(namely,Minembweterritory),whichhadbrieyexistedundertheCOWSANDGUNS W H U P V R I X V H D Y D L O D E O H D W K W W S V Z Z Z F D P E U L G J H R U J F R U H W H U P V K W W S V G R L R U J 6 ; ' R Z Q O R D G H G I U R P K W W S V Z Z Z F D P E U L G J H R U J F R U H , 3 D G G U H V V R Q 6 H S D W V X E M H F W W R W K H & D P E U L G J H & R U H RCDadministrationduringtheSecondCongoWar(Verweijen&VlassenrootThemutualdistrustbetweenBabembeandBanyamulenge,andthegeneralidenticationoftheMai-MaiAociandtheFRFwiththeserespectivecommunities,causedindividualactsofcattle-lootingtooftenprovokechainsofreactionsthatspiralledoutofcontrol.In,theMai-MaiAocistolehundredsofheadsofcattleintheMibundaareaofItombwe,whichprovokedacounter-offensivebytheFRFinKabandja,allowingthemtoliberateasubstantialamountofstolencows.However,theFRFsinterventionsharpenedinter-com-munaltensions,whichsparkedheavyghtinginthevillageofKipombo,drawingindemobilisedBanyamulengeandMai-MaifromtheSecondCongoWarandotherinhabitants.In,theMai-MaiAociagainmanagedtostealhundredsofcowsintheMibundaarea,whichnourishedfurtherantagonismamongtheBanyamulengetowardstheBabembe,whowereblamedforAocisbehaviour.ThisclimateofantagonismpartlyexplainswhyanassassinationattheendinTulambo,whichstemmedfromacommercialdisputearoundgoldmininginterests,wasneverthelessinterpretedinthelightofinter-communitytensions,andprovokedthecycleoftit-for-tatkillingsthatpreventedtheelectionsfromtakingplaceinItombwe,asdescribedatthestartofthisarticle.Asimilarcomplexinterplaybetweenworseninginter-communityrela-tions,cattle-lootingandarmedgroupactivityhadoccurredinthecourseintheMinembwearea,aftertheMai-MaiMulumbaandtheMai-MaiAssaniNgungulooteddozensofcowsnearKitumba(seeDiscontentwiththeperformanceofthethbrigadeFARDCcon-trolledbyMasunzu,cattle-ownerssupportedacounter-attackconductedbyanarmedgroupconsistingofdemobilisedghte
18 rsandyoungBanyamulenge,whichoperatedunde
rsandyoungBanyamulenge,whichoperatedunderthenameTwigwanehoKinyamulenge(theKinyarwandadialectspokenbytheBanyamulenge)forsdefendourselves.AlsodescribedastheMai-MaioftheBanyamulenge,thisgroupsurfacesintimesof(perceived)need,some-timesinanad-hocmanner,andplacesitselfinthetraditionoftheAbagiryeoperatingduringtheSimbarebellion(Brabant&Nzweve).ItwasalsothelattersformercommanderChunguti,activeasaprotestantarmychaplainfortheFARDCinMinembwe,whotooktheini-tiativetomobilisetheTwigwanehoin.Thejusticatoryandmobi-lisingdiscoursesemployedbythismilitiamirrorthoseoftheMai-Maibothintheiremphasisonautodéfenseandtheinvocationofsupposedlyantagonisticethnicgroupsasthemainsourceofthreat,therebyJUDITHVERWEIJENANDJUSTINEBRABANT W H U P V R I X V H D Y D L O D E O H D W K W W S V Z Z Z F D P E U L G J H R U J F R U H W H U P V K W W S V G R L R U J 6 ; ' R Z Q O R D G H G I U R P K W W S V Z Z Z F D P E U L G J H R U J F R U H , 3 D G G U H V V R Q 6 H S D W V X E M H F W W R W K H & D P E U L G J H & R U H stigmatisingcommunitiesasawhole.AstheTwigwanehosmaincom-mander,RabanMusemakweliSenga,explains:TheTwigwanehoarethereandremainamovementtodefendthepropertyoftheBanyamulenge.Becauseevenwhentheypromiseusreconciliation,itwillalwaysbethesame:theBabembewillcomeaftertwodaystopillageourcows.Thisiswhy,ineveryplacewheretherearevillagesinhabitedbytheBanyamulenge,IhavedeployedyouththatispartoftheTwigwaneho.(MusemakweliTheTwigwaneho,whichstartedtowanein,playedanimportantroleinsecuringcattle,notonlybypatrollingneargrazinggrounds,butalsobyaccompanyingcowsduringtranshumance.Furthermore,theyweredeployedforcounter-attacksincaseofMai-Maiassaults,andtotracebackthestolencows.TheTwigwaneho,however,werenotuni-versallysupportedamongtheBanyamulenge.Somebelievedthatthisinitiativeonlyprovokedfurtherinter-communitytensions,preferringnon-violentresponsestocattle-looting(Notablesint.).OtherswereoftheopinionthattheTwigwanehounderminedtheworkofthestatesecurityservices,settingaprecedentwherebyallgroupsmobil-iseaccordingtotheirowninsightsandinterests(Schoolteachersint.).Yet,thesecurityservicesarewidelyregardednotonlyasincapableofprotectinglivesandproperty,butalsounwilling,duetoalackofneu-trality.Theseperceptions,andthepracticesofthenationalarmedforcesthatfeedthem,areacrucialfactorinthenexusbetweencattle-relatedandinter-communityconictsandarmedmobilisationandviolence.THEEFFECTSOFANONNEUTRALARMYPersonnelfromtheFA
19 RDC,inparticularofcers,arebothdirectlyan
RDC,inparticularofcers,arebothdirectlyandindirectlyinvolvedincattle-relatedaffairs.FARDCofcersofunitsdeployedtoFiziandItombweofteninterveneinconictsrelatedtocattle-theftorthedestructionofagriculturalelds,forexamplearrest-ingsuspectedthievesorlocalauthoritiessuchasthechief),heldresponsiblefortheactsoftheirvillagers.FARDCpersonnelmayalsobedeployedtotrackdownstolencattle,orattackMai-Maigroupsthatlaunchedcattleraids(CivilsocietyactivistsAdditionally,theysometimesprotectcowsduringtranshumance,com-monlyduetoprotectionrelationswiththeowners,whetheronapurelymonetarybasisorintheframeworkofpatronage.ItsometimesevenoccursthatcattleownersgiveacowdirectlytoFARDCCOWSANDGUNS W H U P V R I X V H D Y D L O D E O H D W K W W S V Z Z Z F D P E U L G J H R U J F R U H W H U P V K W W S V G R L R U J 6 ; ' R Z Q O R D G H G I U R P K W W S V Z Z Z F D P E U L G J H R U J F R U H , 3 D G G U H V V R Q 6 H S D W V X E M H F W W R W K H & D P E U L G J H & R U H commandersinsteadofpayingtocustomarychiefs(Communityorganisationmemberint.).Suchprivatedealsstronglyunderminetheperceivedneutralityofthemilitary,especiallyastheseinterventionstendtobenetcattle-owners.ThereareanumberofreasonswhythepracticesoftheFARDCareoftenskewedtowardstheinterestsofcattle-owners.First,thelatterhavecowstooffer,andthereforehaveanadvantageintermsofcourtingtheFARDC.Furthermore,inparticularupto,manyBanyamulengeowningcattlehadrelativesintheFARDCunitsthatweredeployedinFiziandItombwe,whooftenintervenedtoprotecttheircattle.TheseunitsweredominatedbyBanyamulengetroopsfromboththethbrigadeand,after,the(former)FRF,whichlaiddowntheirarmsandintegratedintotheFARDCinJanuarythatyear.Additionally,therearemanyhigh-rankingBanyamulengecersintheprovincialandnationalmilitaryhierarchywhohavecattleinthearea,likeGeneralMasunzu,theformercommanderofthMilitaryRegion.ThesepowerfulofcerscommonlymanipulatelocallydeployedFARDCcommanderstoensuretheprotectionoftheircattle(Humanrightsdefendersint.).Itappears,however,thatnotonlyBanyamulenge,butalsoothercers(bothTutsiandHutu),oftenfromNorthKivu,enterintopro-tectionarrangementswithcattle-owners.Whilethisisprimarilyrelatedtomonetaryincentives,thefactthattheyspeakthesamelanguageandshareahighappreciationforcows,asischaracteristicforKinyarwandaspeakinggroups,mayfacilitatedevelopingrelations.EvenwheresuchcloselinkagesbetweenRwandophoneandcattle-ownersdonotmaterialise,theyareassumedtoexistbyself-styledautoch
20 thonousgroups,duetotheirtendencytolumpal
thonousgroups,duetotheirtendencytolumpalldifferentKinyarwandaspeakinggroupstogetherintheundifferentiatedcategory.Itisahallmarkofautochthonydiscoursesthattheyrevolvearoundaexiblydeneddichotomybetweeninsidersandout-siders,implyingthattheboundariesaroundthecategoryofareconstantlyredrawn,accordingtosituationaldynamics).Suchboundary-redrawing,forinstancetoequatelocal(Tutsi)BanyamulengeinFiziwithHutuFARDCofcersfromNorthKivu,partlystemsfromthediscursivepracticesofpolitico-militaryentre-preneurs.ThisprimarilyconcernsMai-Maigroupsandtheirpoliticalsupporters,includinglocalauthoritiesandpoliticians,whoplayanimportantroleinsustainingthesegroups.ByportrayingthearmyasdominatedbybiasedtowardsRwandophones,theseviolententre-preneursprovidearaisondforMai-Maigroups,allowingthemtoJUDITHVERWEIJENANDJUSTINEBRABANT W H U P V R I X V H D Y D L O D E O H D W K W W S V Z Z Z F D P E U L G J H R U J F R U H W H U P V K W W S V G R L R U J 6 ; ' R Z Q O R D G H G I U R P K W W S V Z Z Z F D P E U L G J H R U J F R U H , 3 D G G U H V V R Q 6 H S D W V X E M H F W W R W K H & D P E U L G J H & R U H frametheir(violent)activitiesasautodéfenseagainsttheBanyamulengesputativeplantoforciblyoccupytheirlands).Thatsuchframesresonanceamongbroadlayersofthepopulationisaresultnotonlyofalonghistoryofinter-com-munitytensions,butalsoofnegativeexperienceswithtroops.Duetotheatrocitiescommittedby-commandedarmedforcesduringtheCongoWars,manypeopleintheFiziandItombweareahavebadmemoriesofsoldiers.Thisaffectsperceptionsofcurrenttroops,asreectedintheoften-voicedexpres-muguuilioumwananyokaugopamuzuzithelegthathasbeenbittenbyasnakewillfearthelizard).Distrustisfurtherreinforcedbycontemporarynegativeexperienceswiththearmedforcesstemmingfromtheirpenchantforabusivepractices,whichisnotlimitedtothecomponents(VerweijenTheBanyamulenge,fortheirpart,alsohavelimitedtrustintheFARDC,fearinginparticularex-Mai-Maicommanders.Resimilarframingmechanismsasthoseunderlyingtheautochthonydis-course,inparticularthetendencytolumptogetherdiversegroupsinhomogeneouscategories,thisdistrustdoesnotonlyrelatetoex-Mai-MaifromFiziandItombwe,butalsoappliestoformerMai-MaifromotherareasoftheeasternCongo,whoaresuspectedtomaintainlinkswithlocalMai-Maigroups.Forinstance,onereasonwhytheFARDCcoulddolittletostemtheviolenceintheItombweareaduringtheelect-oralperiodinwasthatthebattalioncommander,anex-Mai-MaifromWalikale(NorthKivu),wasrumouredtohaveprovidedarmsand
21 ammunitionstotheBembeMai-MaiofAoci(Villa
ammunitionstotheBembeMai-MaiofAoci(Villagechiefsandeldersint.).Suchframingsdonotemergespontaneouslybutareactivelypropagatedbythosewhostandtogainfromthem,oftenlocalauthoritiesandpoliticianssympathisingwitharmedgroups.Furthermore,thesendpopularresonanceastheyspeaktoalonghistoryofnega-tiveexperienceswitharmedbandsfromself-styledautochthonouscom-munities,whoengagedinethnicallytargetedharassmentandmassacresofBanyamulengeontheeveofandduringtheCongoWars(VerweijenAstheabovediscussionshows,limitedcondenceintheneutralityoftheFARDCenhancestheimpulsetosupportarmedgroupsintimesofinsecurityandinter-communitytensions,evenwhenpeopledonotfullyagreewiththesegroupsagendaorpractices.Armedgroupsareseentoofferalastlineofdefence,constitutingacounter-weighttoanabusivearmyorcompensatingforitsdecientsecurityperformance.However,sincemostarmedgroupsarerecruitedfromandseenasemanationsCOWSANDGUNS W H U P V R I X V H D Y D L O D E O H D W K W W S V Z Z Z F D P E U L G J H R U J F R U H W H U P V K W W S V G R L R U J 6 ; ' R Z Q O R D G H G I U R P K W W S V Z Z Z F D P E U L G J H R U J F R U H , 3 D G G U H V V R Q 6 H S D W V X E M H F W W R W K H & D P E U L G J H & R U H ofparticularcommunities,thisself-defencemechanismhasdetrimentaleffectsoninter-communityconicts.Moreoverandparadoxically,theinsecuritythatiscreatedbyarmedgroupsisoneofthemaindriversofpopularsupportforthesegroups.Similarcounterproductiveeffectsaregeneratedbyprotectionarrangementswithmembersofthenationalarmedforces;bornfromtheneedtoshieldoneselfandonespropertyagainstinsecurity,protectionmechanismsunderminetheperceivedneutralityofthearmedforces,thereforefeedingintodynamicsofthatendupcreatingmoreinsecurity.Withinthesevariousself-enforcingcyclesofinsecurity,thenationalarmyplaysacrucialrole,mediatingtheinterplaybetweenlocalconictsandarmedCONCLUDINGREMARKSAnalysingtheinterplayofcattle-relatedconictsandarmedmobilisa-tionandviolenceintheFiziandItombweregioninSouthKivu,thisarticlehasshownhowsuchconictsareimpactedbybothpastviolenceandthepresent-dayactivitiesofarmedgroupsandthenationalarmy.Duetomutualdistrustbetweencommunitiesstemmingfromalonghistoryoftensionsandoccasionalviolence,aswellasfromthecontem-poraryactivismofpolitico-militaryentrepreneurs,individualincidentssurroundingtranshumanceorcattletheftbecomeperceivedthroughthelensofwiderinter-communityfrictions.Furthermore,giventheima-ginedblurredboundariesbetweencommunitiesontheoneha
22 nd,andarmedgroupsandarmyfactionsontheoth
nd,andarmedgroupsandarmyfactionsontheother,itisfearedthatpartiestoaconictsolicitprotectionfromarmedactorstoreinforcetheirposi-tions.Asaconsequence,existingmechanismsofconictregulationhavebecomeeroded,whichinturnincreasesincentivestoindeedsolicitarmedactorstodisputes.Whileagropastoralconictsarethusuencedbyarmedmobilisation,theseconictsinturninsuchmobilisation.Onewayinwhichthisoccursisthatconprovidegridsofintelligibilityandnarrativeframeworksonwhichpolit-ico-militaryentrepreneurscandrawtoframeandjustifytheiractivities.Crucially,thesenarrativesallowthemtoportraytheir(violent)practicesasthelegitimatedefenceoftherightsofeithercultivatorsorcattle-ownersandtheirproperty.Moreover,theyenablepolitico-militaryentrepreneurstoemploystereotypestoprovidesimpleexplanationsforcomplexsocialphenomenathatamongtheirsupporters.JUDITHVERWEIJENANDJUSTINEBRABANT W H U P V R I X V H D Y D L O D E O H D W K W W S V Z Z Z F D P E U L G J H R U J F R U H W H U P V K W W S V G R L R U J 6 ; ' R Z Q O R D G H G I U R P K W W S V Z Z Z F D P E U L G J H R U J F R U H , 3 D G G U H V V R Q 6 H S D W V X E M H F W W R W K H & D P E U L G J H & R U H Inthisway,thesenarrativeframeworksandcorrespondingjustifacilitatethemobilisationofrecruitsandresources.Ouranalysisthusdemonstratesthatthelinksbetweencattle-relatedictsandviolenceareoftenmoreindirectthandirect.Inmanycases,violenceisneitherdirectlyrelatedtothedestructionofnorprimarilyenactedbydupedfarmersorherders.Rather,itmostlytakestheformofclashesandrevengeactionsresultingfromcattle-lootingbyMai-Maigroupsandcounter-mobilisationbyotherarmedgroupsorthegovernmentforces.Althougharmedgroupsarecom-monlyformedonamono-ethnicbasisandclaimtorepresenttheinter-estsofthecommunitiestheyissueoutof,theyclearlyalsohavedivergentinterestsandagendas,relatedtotheambitionsoftheirleadershipandpoliticalsupporters.Additionally,whilemobilisationtoattackordefendcowsisoftenframedasnecessaryandjustiedtoprotectthecommunity,theseframingsaremanipulatedbypolitico-militaryentre-preneurs,andthereforedonotalwaysreecttheviewsofcommunitiesasawhole.Furthermore,discoursesonthenecessityofarmedmobilisa-tionforreasonsofself-defencearelentcrucialcredibilitybythemeagresecurityperformanceandperceivedlackofneutralityoftheCongolesearmedforces.Byhighlightingthecomplexityofthelinksbetweenagropastoralictsandviolence,andbydetailingtheinvolvedcausalmechanisms,thispapercontributestothedebatesonviolenther
23 der-farmerconInparticular,itshowshowwide
der-farmerconInparticular,itshowshowwiderconictnarratives,whicharerenderedsalientthroughthesocialanddiscursivepracticesofbothpolitico-mili-taryentrepreneursandthegovernmentarmedforces,areessentialfortransformingindividualinstancesofcattle-relatedconictorcrimeintowiderfrictionsthatmaybecomemilitarised.Notably,thesenarra-tivescontributetolegitimisingviolentpractices,likecattle-looting,evenwhenthesepracticesarenotdirectlyrelatedtotheconictsthatareinvoked.Assuch,ourndingsemphasisetheneedtodisaggregatedifferenttypesofconict(e.g.interpersonal,communal)anddifferenttypesofviolenceandviolentactors(e.g.cattletheftbythieves,cattle-lootingbyMai-Maigroups,revengepracticesbyarmysoldierschargedwithprotectingcattle),andtodetailtheinteractionbetweenthesevariousfactorsandactors,intermsofbothdiscursiveandsocialprac-tices.Suchanapproachpromisestosignicantlyadvancethestudyofagropastoralconictsinviolentsettings.Atthesametime,ouranalysisrenestheoriesthatemphasisetheroleoflocalconictsintheongoingviolenceintheeasternCongo.ForAutesserre,grassrootsrivalriesoverland,resources,andpoliticalCOWSANDGUNS W H U P V R I X V H D Y D L O D E O H D W K W W S V Z Z Z F D P E U L G J H R U J F R U H W H U P V K W W S V G R L R U J 6 ; ' R Z Q O R D G H G I U R P K W W S V Z Z Z F D P E U L G J H R U J F R U H , 3 D G G U H V V R Q 6 H S D W V X E M H F W W R W K H & D P E U L G J H & R U H )areadrivingforceofwhatshetermslocalviolenceThispaperelaboratesuponthisanalysisbydetailingthecausalmechan-ismsandprocessesbywhichlocalconictscontributetoviolence.Aswehaveshowed,armedgroupsplayacrucialroleinthisprocess,butneithertheirpresencenortheirviolentpracticesareuniquelyordirectlytheresultoflocalconicts.Rather,theiractivitiesarealsotheproductoftheinterestsandvisionsofpolitico-militaryentrepreneurs,whoarecon-nectedtoanddrawuponsupra-localnetworksanddiscourses.Furthermore,armedmobilisationisstronglyshapedbytheperceivedlackofneutralityandcapabilitiesofthenationalarmedforcesaswellthetendencyofofcerstoengageinprivateprotectionarrangements.Insum,thelinksbetweenlocalconictsandviolenceplayoutinmoreindirectmannersandinvolvemoresupra-localfactorsthantheoriesemphasisingtheroleofthelocalseemtosuggest.Furthermore,thelinkbetweenlocalconictsandarmedviolenceisnotunidirectional,butmutual:thepresenceofarmedgroupsandtheoccurrenceofvio-lencecruciallyalterthenatureofconicts,astheytransformtheirstakesanderodemechanismsofsocialregulati
24 on,whichcontributestotheseconmilitarisat
on,whichcontributestotheseconmilitarisation.Again,supra-localactorsanddiscoursesplayimportantmediatingrolesingeneratingtheseeffects.Bydrawingattentiontothepertinenceofsupra-localprocessesinthewaysinwhichlocalconictscontributetoviolence,ouranalysiscontri-butestoagrowingbodyofliteraturethathighlightstheinadequaciesoftheoriesonviolentconictandpeacebuildingthatdrawonreiinterpretationsofthelocal,arguingthatratherthanasa(spatially)xedarena,itshouldbeconceptualisedasashiftingnodeinwidersocialnetworksandprocesses(Hirblinger&Simons;MacGinty).Butanuancedgraspofthelinksbetweenlocalconictsandvio-lenceisnotonlyoftheoreticalinterest,itisalsocrucialforunderstand-ingtheintractabilityofviolentconictintheeasternCongo.Inparticular,itexplainswhyrelativelymundaneconictsorinstancesofminorcrime,likethestealingofonecow,feedintowidercyclesofictandinsecuritythatimportantlysustainarmedgroups.Theseeffectsstemfromboththediscursiveframeworksthatthesegroupsandtheirpoliticalsupportersdrawupon,whichprovidemeaningtoindividualdisputesandthesegroupsownactivities,andthefeelingsofinsecuritythatresultfromtheemployedconictnarrativesandfromarmedgrouppresence.Paradoxically,theresponsesthatpeopledeveloptocopewiththisinsecurity,suchasprotectionarrangementswithmembersofthearmedforcesandtheformationofself-defencegroups,onlyfurtherunderminethepossibilitiestoresolveconictsinJUDITHVERWEIJENANDJUSTINEBRABANT W H U P V R I X V H D Y D L O D E O H D W K W W S V Z Z Z F D P E U L G J H R U J F R U H W H U P V K W W S V G R L R U J 6 ; ' R Z Q O R D G H G I U R P K W W S V Z Z Z F D P E U L G J H R U J F R U H , 3 D G G U H V V R Q 6 H S D W V X E M H F W W R W K H & D P E U L G J H & R U H anon-violentmanner,andoftenbecomenewsourcesofinsecurity.Onereasonforthisisthatsuchresponsestendto(re)conrmthevalidityoftheconictnarrativesthatpolitico-militaryentrepreneursactively(re)theunreliabilityofthearmyandthehostilityofcommunities.Thesenarrativeframeworksthusbecomeself-llingprophecies,witheachmundaneconictoreachinterventionbyarmedactorsbeingseenthroughtherelatedgridsofintelligibility,thereforebecomingnewformsofjusticationforarmedgroupactivityandarmymanipulation.Inthismanner,thecontinuallyinteractingdynamicsofconict,armedmobilisationandviolenceintheeasternCongoseemtohavealmostbecomeaperpetuummobile.Althoughweareawareoftheproblematicconnotationsandreifyingeffectsoftheterm),weemployitnonetheless,inpartasitiswidelyusedintherese
25 archcontext),henceconcernsanemicconceptt
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