TheEndoftheRoadAgriculturalRevolutionsintheCapitalistWorldEcology14 - PDF document

TheEndoftheRoad?AgriculturalRevolutionsintheCapitalistWorld-Ecology,1450–2010JASONW.MOOREDoesthepresentsocio-ecologicalimpasse–capturedinpopulardiscussionsofthe‘end’ofcheapfoodandcheapoil–representthelatestinalonghistoryoflimitsandcrisesthathavebeentranscendedbycapital,orhavewearrivedatanepochalturningpointintherelationofcapital,capitalismandagriculturalrevolution?Forthebetterpartofsixcenturies,therelationbetweenworldcapitalismandagriculturehasbeenaremarkableone.Everygreatwaveofcapitalistdevelopmenthasbeenpavedwith‘cheap’food.Beginninginthelongsixteenthcentury,capitalistagenciespioneeredsuccessiveagriculturalrevolutions,yieldingaseriesofextraordinaryexpansionsofthefoodsurplus.Thispaperengagesthecrisisofneoliberalismtoday,andasks:Isanotheragriculturalrevolution,comparabletothosewehaveknowninthehistoryofcapitalism,possible?Doesthepresentconjuncturerepresentadevelopmentalcrisisofcapitalismthatcanberesolvedbyestablishingnewagro-ecologicalconditionsforanotherlongwaveofaccumulation,orarewenowwitnessinganepochalcrisisofcapitalism?Thesedivergentpossibilitiesareexploredfromaperspectivethatviewscapitalismas‘world-ecology’,joiningtogethertheaccumulationofcapitalandtheproductionofnatureindialecticalunity.Keywords:capitalismasworld-ecology,agriculturalrevolution,agrarianquestion,environmentalhistory,politicalecology _JOAC389..413 ATHEORETICALFRAMEWORKIbeginwithtwoquestions.First,ifneoliberalismisincrisis,whatkindofcrisisisit?Second,howdoesaproductionofnatureperspectivereshapeourunderstandingofneoliberalism,andofpreviouscrisesinhistoricalcapitalism?‘Neoliberalism’isamightysignier,andonemobilizedtodescribeallmannerofsocio-ecologicalmovementsineveryregionandateveryscalesincetheearly1970s.TheeraasawholeisamessybundleofcontradictionsthatdeesneatandJasonW.Moore,DepartmentofHistoricalStudies,UmeåUniversity,SE-90187,Umeå,Sweden.E-mail:jasonwsmoore@gmail.comEarlierversionsofthisargumentwerepresentedatCornellUniversity,theFernandBraudelCenter,theStockholmResilienceCenter,LundUniversity,andtheSchoolofOrientalandAfricanStudies.Thisarticleispartofalargertheoreticalandhistoricalprojectoncapitalismasworld-ecology.IamgratefultotheeditorsoftheJournalandofthisspecialissuefortheirinterestintheproject,andabovealltoHenryBernsteinandDianaC.Gildea.ManythanksalsoErikJönsson,JessicaC.Marx,BrunoPortillo,CherylSjöstrom,DaleTomich,RichardA.Walker,andtheResearchGrouponWorld-EcologyatLundUniversityforindispensablecommentary,discussion,andcritique.JournalofAgrarianChange,Vol.10No.3,July2010,pp.389–413.©2010BlackwellPublishingLtd tidydenition.Notleast,theneoclassicalideologicalprojectprovideslittleguidetoactuallyexistingcapitalismasawhole,intheyearsfollowingtheinitialcrisisofthe‘goldenage’postwarworld-economyandthePaxAmericana(.1971–4).Highlightsofthisneoliberalerawouldsurelyincludethefollowing.By1979,theUnitedStateshadembarkeduponasignicantprogramofmilitaryKeynesianism,subsequentlyacceleratedandcodiedbyReagan’selection(Harvey2005).Theera’

sgreatesteconomic‘miracle’–theriseofChina–hasbeensupervisedbyadirigistestateoftherstorder(Li2008).Theleadingeconomicpowers,groupedintheOECD,sawgovernmentspendingrisefromabout25percentofGDPin1965tomorethan37percentthreedecadeslater(Cooper2001,195).Andnotleast,globaltradeliberalization,especiallythatcentredontheWorldTradeOrganizationanditsAgreementonAgriculture,hasseennowithdrawalofthestateonasystemwidebasis.AsTonyWeishasshown(2007),theleadingstatesoftheglobalNorth(theUSAaboveall)havenotwaveredforamomentintheirsupportofdomesticagro-foodsectorswhilepursuingtheradicalliberalizationofperipheraleconomies.ItisforgoodreasonthatGeecharacterizestheneoliberaleraasoneof‘structuralmercantilism’(2009).Myconcerniswithneoliberalismasaphaseofworldcapitalisthistory,andthereforeaspecicmomentinthemodernworld-system’spatternsofevolutionandrecurrence.Ihighlighttwo,dialecticallybound,phenomenathatconstitutepartofthedifferentiaspecicaoftheneoliberalera.First,Iregardneoliberalismasadistinctivephaseofcapitalismpremisedonrst,andsecond.Thisisthe‘RobinHoodinreverse’characterofneoliberalism–stealingfromthepoorandgivingtotherich–illuminatedbyHarvey(2005),DuménilandLévy(2004)andmanyothers.Neoliberalism,likeallpreviousphasesofcapitalism,hasredistributedwealth;allpreviousphasesofcapitalism,ithasnotgeneratedtheconditionsforrenewedeconomicgrowthandabroadlydenedsocialdevelopment.AsBalakrishnannotedrecently(2009),neoliberalismhasfailedtogeneratethat‘thirdtechnologicalrevolution’uponwhichsomuchattentionwaslavishedinthe1970s(Mandel1975).Technologicaldevelopmenthascertainlyoccurred–aboveall,incontrolandinformationtechnologies–butatallturnsithas‘failedtoreleaseaproductivityrevolutionthatwouldreducecostsandfreeupincomeforanall-roundexpansion’(Balakrishnan2009,14).Nowhereisthismoreevidentthaninagricul-ture,wherenearlythreedecadesofexperimentationwithgeneticallymodiedorganismshassucceededintransferringwealthandpowerfromfarmerstobigcapitalwithoutanysuccessinraisingintrinsicyields(Gurian-Sherman2009).Theseconddistinctivefeatureofcapitalismintheneoliberaleraconcernsthepenetrationofnanceintoeverydaylife,andaboveall,intothereproductionofextra-humannature.Thisisatthecoreofthe‘transitionfromtheformaltotherealsubsumptionofnaturetocapital’sincethe1970s(Boydetal.2001).Financializa-tion,ofcourse,isnotnew,anditscyclicalresurgencehasbeenwithussincethesixteenthcentury(Arrighi1994).Theterm‘nancialization’itselfissubjecttoWemay‘distinguishbetweentwokindsofyield–intrinsicyieldandoperationalyield–whenevaluatingtransgeniccrops.Intrinsicyield,thehighestthatcanbeachieved,isobtainedwhencropsaregrownunderidealconditions;itmayalsobethoughtofaspotentialyield.Bycontrast,operationalyieldisobtainedundereldconditions,whenenvironmentalfactorssuchaspestsandstressresultinyieldsthatareconsiderablylessthanideal’(Gurian-Sherman2009,2).JasonW.Moore©2010BlackwellPublishingLtd multiplereadings,sowecantakecaretoemphasizenancializationasagravitationaleldthatinuencesandsha

pestherulesofreproductionforhumanandextra-humannature–working-classhouseholdscometodependoncreditcardstopaymedicalbills,andforest,eldandminebecomedisciplinedbyarateofprotestablishednotinindustry,butinnance–thatis,disciplinedbyacircuitofcapitalthatrunsMnotMWhatthismeansinpracticeisthattherealeconomyofgoodsandserviceshasbeensubordinatedtothecompetitivelogicofglobalnancialmarkets.Foodcompanies,forexample,arenolongersimplycompetinginyoghurt,orcarbonateddrinksorprocessedmeats.Theyarecompetingonnancialmarketstodeliverthefastestandbiggestpossibleratesofreturnto‘impatient’nancialcapital.(Rossman2007,5)Takentogether,thesetwomovementsspecictoneoliberalism–althoughcertainlyknowninearlierphasesofcapitalism–generatedadevelopmentmodelpremisedononepartredistribution,onepart‘bubbleeconomy’.Theerasincethe1997Asian-centrednancialcrisesmayberegardedasalongseriesofbubbles.Indeed,thestabilizationofworldmarketsatthetimeofwriting(January2010),madepossiblebytheinjectionofnolessthan$15trillionintotheworldnancialsystembytheOECDgovernmentsin2008–9(Mason2009),mayproperlyberegardedasa‘bubblerecovery’.Itakeasmyguidingthreadthehypothesisthatneoliberalismhasreachedthelimitsofdevelopmentalpossibilities,thenancialcrisesandinationarycrescendoof2008markingthe‘signal’crisisoftheneoliberalorderingofrelationsbetweenhumansandtherestofnature.AdaptingArrighi’susefullanguage(1994),wecansaythatasignalcrisisofanecologicalregimeoccurswhentheinitialconditionsforarapidexpansionoftheecologicalsurplusbegintoerodeandfood,energyandinputsbecomemore,ratherthanless,expensive.Aterminalcrisismarksthedenitiveshiftfromonemodeoforganizingglobalnaturetoanother,asinthetransitionfromDutchtoBritishworldhegemonyandthesimultaneoustransitionfromcharcoalandpeattocoalasthedecisiveenergysource.Thecentralquestiontodayiswhetherthepresentconjuncturerepresentsadevelopmentalcrisisofcapitalismthatcanberesolvedbyestablishingnewworldwideconditionsforaccumulation,orwhetherwearenowwitnessinganepochalcrisisofCapitalismasWorld-Ecology:TowardsaTheoryofCrisisItakeupthesequestionsfromtheperspectiveofcapitalismas‘world-ecology’,andasahistoricalformationthathasemergedanddeveloped,throughsuccessiveperiodsofrestructuringandrenovation,sincethelongsixteenthcentury,.1450–1640(Wallerstein1974;Arrighi1994;Moore2000,2003a–c,2007,2008,2009,2010a,b).Whilecapitalismasaworld-historicalformation–premisedontheprogressiveremovalofcustom,state,institutionalandotherrestraintsontheendlessaccumula-tionofcapitalandtheendlesscommodicationofhumanandextra-humannature–iswidelyunderstood,capitalismas‘world-ecology’meritssomeexplanation.By‘ecology’anditscognates,IseektotranscendtheCartesiannarrativeof‘theenvironment’.Rather,IfocusontherelationsofcapitalismAgriculturalRevolutionsintheCapitalistWorld-Ecology,1450–2010©2010BlackwellPublishingLtd theuneasyfracturesandinterdependenciesofsocialandbiophysicalnatures.IthereforeborrowfromtheGreekroot(homeorhouse),andspeakintermsofecologicalregimes,revolutio

nsandcrises,recallingthephilosopher-botanistTheophrastus’sterm‘toindicatetherelationshipbetweenaplantspeciesandtheenvironment’(Hughes1994,4).Theismytermforthatmessybundleofrelationsthatgiverisetothenature–societydialectic.Ifneoliberalismistypicallyregardedasabundleofsocialforcesthatactsupontherestofnature,imposingits‘footprint’astheconvenientmetaphorhasit,capitalismas‘world-ecology’signiesthedifferentiatedunityoftheproductionofnatureandtheendlessaccumulationofcapital.Capitalism,inthisperspective,doeshaveanecologicalregime.Itanecologicalregime–signifyingthoserelativelydurablepatternsofclassstructure,technologicalinnovationandthedevelopmentofproductiveforces,organizationalformsandgovernance(formalandinformal)thathavesustainedandpropelledsuccessivephasesofworldaccumulationsincethelongsixteenthcentury.Ecologicalregimereferstothehistoricallystabilizedprocessandconditionsofextendedaccumulation;ecologicalrevolutionsmarktheturbulentemergenceoftheseprovisionallystabilizedprocessesandconditions.Ithereforefocusonthesocio-ecologicalconstitutionofthestrategicrelationsofhistoricalcapitalism,ratherthanthe‘interaction’ofsocialandbiophysicalessences.Thisconstitutivedialecticmanifestsitselfbeyondthemanifold‘changesintheland’commonlyassociatedwithenvironmentalhistory:propertyrelations,commodity-centredresourceextraction,cash-cropagriculture,energycomplexesandsoforth.Theproductionofnature–societyrelationshasbeeneverybitasmuchaboutfactoriesasforests,stockexchanges,shoppingcentres,slumsandsuburbansprawlsassoilexhaustionandspeciesextinction.Ecologicalregimesemergethroughthosemarketandinstitutionalmechanismsnecessarytoensureadequateowsofenergy,food,rawmaterialandlaboursur-plusestotheorganizingcentresofworldaccumulation,butweshouldalsoattendtotheproductioncomplexesthatconsumethesesurpluses,andsetinmotionnew(andcontradictory)demandsupontherestofnature.Thatistosay,thetown–countryantagonism–overlapping,butnottobeconfused,withthecore–peripherydivide–isthedecisivegeographicalrelation.Ecologicalregimesconstituteamatrixofrelationsgoverning‘town’(consumingsurpluses)aswellas‘countryside’(pro-ducingsurpluses).Foster’s‘metabolicrift’(2000),then,isnotmerelyaparticulareffectofcapitalismbutisconstitutiveofthecapitalistmodeofproduction.Everyphaseofcapitalismemergesthrougharevolutioninnature–societyrelations–newmetabolicrifts,andmuchbeyond–thatcreatesnewpossibilitiesfortheexpandedaccumulationofcapital(Moore2000).Whatconstitutesthesepossibilities?Allgreatwavesofcapitalaccumulationhaveunfoldedthroughagreatlyexpandedecologicalsurplus,manifestedincheapfood,cheapenergyandcheapinputs.Thecreationofthisecologicalsurplusiscentraltoaccumulationoverthelonguedurée.Thereisadialecticbetweencapital’scapacitytoappropriatebiophysicalandsocialnaturesatlowcost,anditsimmanenttendencytocapitalizethereproductionoflabourpowerandextra-humannatures.Iwillturntothisdialecticoftheappropriationandcapitalizationofnature–societyrelationspresently.First,however,wecangro

undthetensionbetweenthesetwomomentsinMarx’stheoryofproduction.JasonW.Moore©2010BlackwellPublishingLtd ItisoftenforgottenthatMarxofferedatheoryofunderproductionalongsideoneofoverproduction.TheachievementoftheIndustrialRevolutionwastoreversethegreatestproblemofearlycapitalism–theproductionofbasicinputs,especiallyfuel,bresandtimber,forthecentresofcommodityproduction(Moore2007,2010a,b).Thecontradictionitselfwasnot,however,abolished,butonlychecked.Isitpossiblethatcapitalismismovingtowardsaresurgenceofthetendencytowardsunderproduction?Letusholdthispossibilityasanopenquestion.Marx’stheoryofunderproductioncrisis–hecallsita‘generallaw’ofaccumu-lation–arguesthat‘therateofprotisinverselyproportionaltothevalueoftherawmaterials’(1967III,111).Theverydynamismofcapitalistproductionleadsthe‘portionofconstantcapitalthatconsistsofxedcapita[to]runsignicantlyaheadoftheportionconsistingoforganicrawmaterials,sothatthedemandfortheserawmaterialsgrowsmorerapidlythantheirsupply’(ibid.,118–19).Thereisanimportanttensionbetweenthe‘overproductionofmachinery’,andthe‘under-production’ofrawmaterials(Marx1967III,119).Thegreataccomplishmentofcapitalismhas,therefore,consistedinreducingthecostofinputs,whilesimulta-neouslyexpandingbyordersofmagnitudethematerialvolumeofcommodityproduction–hencethecentralityofthecommodityfrontierinmodernworldhistory,enablingtherapidmobilization,atlowcost(andmaximalcoercion),ofepoch-makingecologicalsurpluses.Thetendencytowardsunderproductionhasthereforebeencheckedoverthepasttwocenturiesthroughthecombinedandunevendynamicsofgeographicalexpan-sionandsocio-technicalinnovation.Itissomethingofanopticalillusionthatweusuallyassociatecapitalism’sgreatecologicalrevolutions–commonlydiscussedintermsofsuccessiveagriculturalandindustrialrevolutions–withincreasingcapi-talizationalone.Thelonghistoryof‘capital-intensive’,epoch-makinginnovations–aboveall,theearlymodernshipbuilding–cartographicrevolution,thenineteenthcenturysteamengineandtheinternalcombustionengineofthetwentiethcentury–hasindeedbeenmarkedbythegeographicallyspecicconcentrationofcapitalinparticularplaces,aboveallintheheartlandsoftheDutch,BritishandAmericanhegemonicregimes.Andyeteveryepoch-makinginnovationhasalsomarkedanaudaciousrevolutionintheorganizationofglobalspace,andnotmerelyinthetechnicsofproduction.Thus,epoch-makinginnovationshavejoinedtogetherproductivityandplunderinaworld-historicalactthatdrivesdowntheshareofworldnaturedirectlydependentonthecircuitofcapital.The‘steamengine’,forinstance,wasunthinkablewithouttheverticalfrontiersofcoalminingandthehorizontalfrontiersofcolonialandwhite-settlerexpansioninthelongnineteenthcentury.Theresultisa(tem-porary)downwardratchetofthesystemwideorganiccompositionofcapital–therebyprovidingacrucialconditionfortherevivalofprotability–evenascapitalformationleapsforwardinthemetropolitanandhegemoniccentres.Therearetwokeyconceptshere,theecologicalsurplusandthecapitalizationofnature.First,anecologicalsurplusdoesnotrefertola

rgeorsmallamountsof‘stuff’,butrathertoabundleofsocio-ecologicalrelations.Therearefourprincipalformsofthissurplus:labourpower,food,energyandnon-energyinputssuchasmetals,woodandbres.Therelationbetweencheapfoodandthepriceoflabourpowerisespeciallyclose.Thekeypoint,whichcanscarcelybeoveremphasized,isthat‘cheap’food,energyandinputsarecheaptothedegreethattheyissueadownwardAgriculturalRevolutionsintheCapitalistWorld-Ecology,1450–2010©2010BlackwellPublishingLtd revisionofthesystemwideorganiccompositionofcapital–thexed,andnolessimportant,circulating,momentsofconstantcapital.Therelationtosystemwidecapitalizationiscrucial,fortheecologicalsurplusisonlypartiallyproducedthroughthecircuitofcapital.Theecologicalsurplusis,rather,deliveredthroughsomecombinationofcapitalizedproduction(e.g.farmmechanization)andtheappropriationofnatureas‘freegift’.Energy-intensiveagriculture,forinstance,developsbyappropriatingbiophysicalnaturesformedoverlonggeologicaltime(waterandoilpumpedfromaquifersandelds).Inthisway,intensivecapitalizationandextensiveappropriationformadialecticalunity.Ifeveryphaseofcapitalismhasemergedthrougharevolutionintheecologicalsurplus,wheretodaycansuchsurplusesbefoundandproduced?Thisistheindispensablequestioninascertainingtherelationsbetweenthe(so-called)‘eco-nomic’and‘environmental’momentsofthepresentcrisis.Wearelivingthroughthegreatesteconomicdownturnsincethe1930s,orsowearetold(EichengreenandO’Rourke2009).ButhowappropriateisthecomparisonwiththeGreatDepres-sion?Thepresentworldconjuncture,anditsrelativestagnation,orworse,inthedeliveryoffoodandenergysurpluses,callsforthtwoothercomparisons.TherstistheeracommonlyassociatedwiththeearlyIndustrialRevolution,andtheprogressiveexhaustionofEngland’sagriculturalrevolutionbetween1763and1815,linkedupwithanagricultural‘deceleration’–markedbystagnatinglabourpro-ductivity,risingcerealpricesandanewpolarizationofagrarianclassstructure–thatreachedfromtheValleyofMexicotoScandinavia(SlichervanBath1963;Abel1980;Jackson1985).Thismarkedthesignalcrisisofoneecologicalregime,anditthreatenedtheriseofindustrialcapitalism(henceRicardo’sfearthatrisingfoodpriceswouldthrottleindustrialization).England,thebreadbasketofearlycenturyEurope,inthelatereighteenthcenturysawfoodpricesriseby200percent,fourtimesfasterthantheindustrialpriceindex(O’Brien1985,776)–akeymomentofwhatIcalladevelopmentalecologicalcrisis.Landproductivitycouldhavebeenincreased,giventhebestpracticesoftheperiod,butonlythroughlabour-intensication,andthiswouldhavecontractedthereservearmyoflabour,atpreciselythemomentwhenitwasmostneededforindustryandempire.Thesolutionwasultimatelyfoundintwogreatfrontiers,whichyieldedtwogreatsourcesofwindfallprot.Therstfrontierwasvertical,movingtheEarthtoextractcoal.Thesecondwashorizontal,movingtheEarthtoproducewheat,especiallyinNorthAmerica.Whenanother‘greatdepression’arrivedinthe1870s,theera’srapidindustrializationwaspossibleonthebasisofcheapfood,deliveredbytheco-operativelaboursofbothfrontiers,a

tthesametimeasmassstarvationinSouthAsiaandChinaandgenocideinNorthAmerica.Itisalsopossiblethatthemostappropriatecomparisonforthecrisisofneolib-eralismisthecrisisoffeudalism.Thiswasanepochalcrisisofnature–societyrelations(Moore2007).Theoriginsoftoday’secologicalcrisiscanbefoundintheresponsesofEurope’srulingclassestothecrisesofthefourteenthcentury.Therearestrikingparallelsbetweentheworld-systemtodayandabroadlyfeudalEuropeatthedawnofthefourteenthcentury:theagriculturalregime,oncecapableofremarkableproductivitygains,enteredstagnation;agrowingshareofthepopulationlivedincities;expansivetradingnetworksconnectedfar-ungeconomiccentres,andepi-demiologicalowsbetweenthem;climatechange(theonsetofthe‘LittleIceAge’)JasonW.Moore©2010BlackwellPublishingLtd hadbeguntostrainanalreadyoverextendedagro-demographicorder;andresourceextraction,especiallyinsilverandcopper,facednewgeo-technicalchallenges,fetteringprotabilityandlimitedoutput.Aftersixcenturiesofsustainedexpansion,bythefourteenthcenturyfeudalEuropehadreachedthelimitsofitsdevelopment–forreasonsofitsenvironment,itscongurationofsocialpowerand,aboveall,therelationsbetweenthetwo.Inshort,myworkingpropositionisthatwecanbestdiscernthenatureofthepresentglobalcrisis–includingspeculationsoneco-catastrophethathavegainedtractionontheleft(Foster2009)–byclarifyinghowweunderstandnature–societyrelationsinthehistoryofcapitalism.Istoday’scrisisdevelopmental,andthereforeopentoresolutionthroughnewformsofproductivityandplunder,asoccurredafter1830intheBritish-ledworld-system?Orisitanepochalcrisisthatcannotberesolvedwithinthelogicofendlessaccumulation,andwhoseoutcomeisbydenitionunknowable?Whatbetterpointofdeparturetoengagethesequestionsthanthehistoryofagri-cultureintheneoliberalera,evaluatedthroughthecyclicalmovementsandseculartrendsofthecapitalistworld-ecologyfromthelongsixteenthcentury?CapitalismandtheCentralityofCheapFoodForthegreaterpartofsixcenturies,therelationbetweencapitalismandagriculturehasbeenaremarkableone.Incontrastwithallpreviouscivilizations,capitalismorganizedaseriesofextraordinaryexpansionsofthefoodsurplus,throughsucces-siveagriculturalrevolutions.The‘goldenages’ofpre-capitalistcivilizationsinvariablyturnedtocrisissolongascultivationremainedinthehandsofpeasants,whowerenotsubjecttomarketdiscipline.Soonerorlaterdemographicexpansionundercutlandandlabourproductivity,andalongwithit,theagriculturalsurplusavailableforcommercialandmanufacturinggrowthinthebroadersocialeconomy.Suchhadbeenthecasewithfeudalism(Moore2003b).Incontrast,capitalismachieveditslong-runeconomicexpansionbymeansofimposingbourgeoispropertyrelationsonthecountryside,compellingthetransi-tionfrompeasantproducertocapitalistfarmer.Withthetransitiontocapitalism,theimpositionofprivatepropertyinland,backedbythepowerofthemodernstate(anditsimperialformations),propelledaprocessofdispossessionanddiffer-entiationthatenabledrisinglabourproductivityinagricultureandarisingfoodsurplus.Vastreservoirsoflabourpowertookshapeto

feedthesatanicmills,andvastagriculturalsurplusesweremobilizedtofeedtheseworkers.FromtheDutchandEnglishagriculturalrevolutionsoftheearlymodernera,tothefamilyfarmandGreenRevolutionsofthenineteenthandtwentiethcenturies,thebloodyexpro-priationsofcapitalhavejustiedthemselvesonthebasisofthissignalachievement(‘modernization’).Theroadtothemodernworld,itseems,hasbeenpavedwithcheapfood.Asnotedearlier,food,energyandinputsare‘cheap’tothedegreethattheyareproduced,andotherwisemobilized,atsignicantlylowercoststhanthesystemwideaverage,andatsignicantlyhighvolumestodrivedownthecostsofproductionforthesystemasawhole.Thepriceoffoodissopivotalbecauseitconditionsthepriceoflabour.Thegreaterasofcapitalistdevelopmenthavealwaysbeenconditionedonmassivedemographicexpansionmassiveproletarianization.ThesignalcontributionofAgriculturalRevolutionsintheCapitalistWorld-Ecology,1450–2010©2010BlackwellPublishingLtd agriculturalrevolutionstothecourseofcapitalistdevelopmentcanbefoundhere,indrivingdowntherelativecostoffoodwhiledrivingforwardproletarianization.Everygreatwaveofworldaccumulation,andeverygreat(‘hegemonic’)power,hasdevelopedonthebasisoffar-ungreconstitutionsofworld-ecology,withagriculturalrevolutionsattheircentre.Doesthepresentimpasse–capturedinpopulardiscussionsofthe‘end’ofcheapfoodandcheapoil(e.g.Roberts2004,2008)–representthelatestinalonghistoryoflimitsandcrisesthathavebeentranscendedbycapital?Isanotheragriculturalrevolution,comparabletothosewehaveknowninthehistoryofcapitalism,possible?Orhavewearrivedatanepochalturningpointintherelationofcapital,capitalismandagriculturalrevolution?WemayconsidertheconditionsforsuchanagriculturalrevolutionfromthestandpointofthefourmajorwaysinwhichtheLefthasengagedtheAgrarianQuestioninthelongtwentiethcentury:thecontributionsofagriculturetocapitalistdevelopmentasawhole;thecontradictionsbetweencapitalistagricultureandbiophysicalnatures;thepenetrationofagriculturebycapital,suchthatagro-ecologicalproductionhasbecomeincreasinglydependentonthecircuitofcapital;andtheroleofpeasantriesandagrarianclassesoflabourinthestrugglefordemocracyandsocialism(Kautsky1988;Byres1996;Moore2008,2009;Bernstein2010).Inthisessay,Iconcentrateontherstthreemoments,toargueforawayofseeinghistoricalcapitalismasanecologicalregime.Situatingrecentworldagricul-turalhistoryintheneoliberalera(fromtheearly1970s)withinthelong-runandlarge-scalepatternsofrecurrenceandevolutioninthemodernworld-system,myintentionistopresentaseriesofguidingthreadstoopennewdiscussionsonthefutureofcapitalismasaglobalsocio-ecologicalformation–capitalismasnotmerely‘world-economy’butasworld-ecology,joiningtogethertheaccumulationofcapitalandtheproductionofnatureindialecticalunity.NEOLIBERALISMASECOLOGICALPROJECT:TOWARDSAN‘AGRICULTURALREVOLUTIONINREVERSE’?Inthewakeofskyrocketingfoodpricesandworldwidefoodriotsin2008(Holt-GiménezandPatel2009),thequestionofagricultureoccupiesacentralplaceinourthinkingaboutthepresentcrisis,andthefutureofcapitalism.Evenasfoodcommo

ditypricesontheworldmarketdeclined(thoughstillhigherthan2004levels),realfoodpricesthroughtheperipheryremainedhigh,or‘continue[d]toincrease’intospring2009(Blas2009b).Thepredictableconsequencewasrisingofcialworldhunger,toppingtheonebillionmarkforthersttime,withatleasttwicethatnumbersufferingfrom‘micro-nutrientdeciencies’(Weis2007,12;Blas2009a).ItisanominousparalleltotheresurgenceofchronicfamineandfoodinsecuritythatcharacterizedfeudalEuropeaftertherstsignsofsystemiccrisisatthedawnofthefourteenthcentury;inlessthanacentury,feudalismwasdoneforasaworld-historicalproject(Moore2003b).Agriculturalrevolutionsinthecapitalistworld-ecologyhaveaccomplishedtwobigthings.First,theyhaveyieldedaquantumleapinthefoodsurplus–itisa‘surplus’,becausetheexpandedbodyofuse-valuesissufcientlylargetodrivedownthecostsofreproducinglabourpower.ThisfoodsurplusisoneJasonW.Moore©2010BlackwellPublishingLtd momentofabroaderecologicalrevolutionthataccompaniestransitionsfromonephaseofcapitalismtoanother–revolutionsthatyieldwhatIcalltherelativeecologicalsurplus,whosesignalcontributionisthesignicantreductionofthevalue-compositionofkeyprimarycommoditiessuchasfoodandrawmaterials.Second,agriculturalrevolutionshavebeencentraltothesuccessiveriseoftheDutch,BritishandAmericanhegemoniesincapitalism.Hegemoniesareecologicalprojects,andeachgreatpowerwovetogetherinternalexternalagriculturalrevolutionsinthedrivetoworldprimacy.Itisdifculttoseethesetwoaccomplishmentsinthehistoryofneoliberalism.Historically,ascendanthegemonicpowershaveledanagriculturalrevolutionthatyieldedaquantumleapinthedeliveryofcheapfoodtoacriticalmassoftheworldproletariat–theDutchinthesixteenthandseventeenthcenturies,theEnglishintheseventeenthandeighteenthcenturies,theAmericansinthenineteenthandtwentiethcenturies(Friedmann1978;Overton1996;Brenner2001;Walker2004).Theserevolutionswere,inArrighi’ssenseoftheterm,‘organizationalrevolutions’(1994),unfoldingatmultiplescalesandextendingfrominnovationsintheforcesofproductiontonewformsofcreditandtransport.Theconnectionwiththeworldproletariatiscrucial.Thechiefdeterminantoftheminimumwagethresholdforanyworking-classhouseholdisthepriceoffoodand,therefore,thepriceoffoodis,onasystemwidebasis,thechiefdeterminantofvalue,abstractsociallabour.Foodis,torecalltheargumentsoftheprevioussection,‘cheap’totheextentthatitreducesthe‘value’ofcommodiedlabourpower,andaugmentscapital’scapacitytoextractsurplusvalue.Istheneoliberalworldorder–inthemidstofasignalbutnotyetterminalcrisis–leadingcapitalismtowardswhatBraudeloncecalledan‘agriculturalrevolutioninreverse’(1972,427),thatis,towardsarelativedeclineinlabourproductivityandtherelativefoodsurplus?Untilthelatetwentiethcentury,everyepoch-making‘eco-nomicmiracle’,aswehaveobserved,resteduponanepoch-makingagriculturalrevolutionsufcientnotmerelytofeeditself,butalsotoleadtheworld.Everyworldhegemonyprovidedanewmodelofagriculturaldevelopment:theDutchRepublicwasthe‘mecca’ofagriculturalknowledgeforEuropeintheseventeenthce

ntury(Moore2010b).Later,theEnglishandthentheAmericanswoulddispenseworldwide,bymeansfairandfoul,theiragronomicwisdomtotherestoftheworldinthenineteenthandtwentiethcenturies(Kloppenburg1988;Drayton2001).Theworldagricultureconstitutedbyneoliberalismwashighlysuccessfulindeliveringcheapfood,asFigure1suggests.In2001,foodhadneverbeensocheap–evenasUSconsumersfacedrisingpricesforhealthyfoodandfallingpricesforjunkfood(Patel2007).ByDecember2007,foodpriceswereattheirhighestinrealtermssince1846,theyearTheEconomistbegankeepingtrack(Buntrock2007).Itwasaspectacularreversaloffortune.Whathadhappened?Beginninginthe1970s,andpickingupsteamwiththedebtcrisesoftheearly1980s,the‘politicaldeterminationofworldagriculturalcommodityprices[that]emergedthroughtheUruguayRoundnegotiations’andintotheWTO-eraradicallydecoupledworldmarketpricesfromproductioncosts(McMichael2005,282).Thiswascrucialtotwomajordevelopments.First,andmostimportantly,worldfoodpricesdroppedby39percentbetween1975and1989,andstillfurtherinthedecadethatfollowed(ibid.,278;seealsoFAO2009).AgriculturalRevolutionsintheCapitalistWorld-Ecology,1450–2010©2010BlackwellPublishingLtd Cheapfoodhasalwaysbeenindispensabletotherevivalofworldaccumulation,eveninerasofnancialization(Moore2008,2010b).Second,theradicaldecouplingofworldpriceandproductioncostscreatedmajornewopportunitiesfortheconcentrationandcentralizationofcapitalintheagro-foodsector,suchthatby2000justfourcorporationscontrolled‘82percentofbeefpacking[intheUSA],75percentofhogsandsheep,andhalfofchickens’(Greider2000).By2008,‘vecorporationscontrol[led]90percentoftheinternationalgraintrade,threecoun-triesproduce[d]70percentofexportedmaize,andthethirtylargestfoodretailerscontrol[led]one-thirdofworldgrocerysales’(McMichael2009).Theunravellingofthecheapfoodregime(alongwiththosegoverningcheapoilandmetals)beganin2003andreachedaninationarycrescendoin2008,signallingadecisivemomentofneoliberalism’scrisis.Forthisreason,followingArrighi,Iwouldcharacterizethepresentconjuncture(.2008–15)asthecrisisofneoliberalismasecologicalregime.Itiscertainlytruethatneoliberalismlivesonasa‘classproject’(Harvey2009),andasamodeof‘market-disciplinaryregulatoryrestructuring’(Brenneretal.2010).Buttheseexpressionsof‘neoliberalization’are,inthenalanalysis,dependentuponthesystem’scapacitytodelivercheapfood,oilandinputs.Hence,signalcrisisreferstothemomentatwhichtheecologicalregimehasreacheditstippingpointintheproductionoftherelativeecologicalsurplus,themassofuse-values(appropriation)relativetothedemandsofworldvalueproduc-tion(capitalization).Aterminalcrisisstillawaits.Thecrucialpointisthateachagriculturalrevolutionmovesbeyondaseriesofmodesttechnicaladjustmentsthatyieldincrementalgainstorealizeaforwardintheprovisionofcheapfood,therebyenablingarevolutionaryexpansion(andsubsequent,low-costreproduction)oftheworldproletariatthataccompaniesanewlongwave.Eachagriculturalrevolution,therefore,hasrealizedaforwardintheprovisionofcheapfood.Itisdifculttooverstatethesu

ccess,incapitalistterms,ofthepost-SecondWorldWaragriculturalrevolution,whichopenedinthemid-1950swithUSPublicLaw480(1954)andKhrushchev’spushtoexpandFigure1Cheapfoodandtheneoliberalecologicalregime 19001910192019301940195019601970198019902000 AO Food price index (FFPI) :FAO(2009).JasonW.Moore©2010BlackwellPublishingLtd Sovietcerealoutput(1953).Thesubsequentglobalizationinthe1960softhe‘GreenRevolution’model–whichItakeasaconvenientshorthandforthecapital-intensive‘industrialagriculture’thatdevelopedrstintheUSAduringtheearlytwentiethcentury–wasnotonlyapivotofAmericanhegemonicleadershipbutalsoachievedayieldrevolutionunprecedentedinhumanhistory.Between1950and1990,globalcerealoutputnearlytripled,propelledbyarisein‘grainyieldperhectare...byroughly2.4times’(Weis2007,17).Meanwhile,worldcerealtrademorethantripledduring1952–72,andtherealpriceofrice,maizeandwheatdroppedby60percentbetween1960andtheendofthelastcentury(FAO2002,11;Warman2003,203).Worldmarketpricesforstaplefoodsfellsteadilyasworldurbanization–arough-and-readyindexofproletarianization–proceededatbreakneckspeed(Davis2006).Evenafterthecrisesoftheearly1970s,thevitalityofthe‘nationalfarmsectors’createdthroughtheGreenRevolutionwouldprovidestrongyieldgrowthforanotherdecadeand,after1982,offeredfertileterrainforconversionintoneoliberalagro-exportzones(McMichael1997,1998;Tilmanetal.2002).Thispostwaragri-culturalrevolutionablymeetsourlitmustest:arevolutionaryexpansionofthefoodsurplusduringarevolutionaryexpansionoftheworldproletariat.Fortheagriculturalrevolutionsofhistoricalcapitalism,modestgainsinproduc-tivityarenotenough.Today,foodisnotgettingcheaper,evenifweattributesomemeasureofthe2003–8commodityboomtonancialspeculation(Ghosh2010).Itmakeslittledifference,forworldaccumulationasawhole,iffood,energyandrawmaterialsareunderproducedbecauseofbiophysicalexhaustion,socialunrestorspeculation.Asnancecapitalincreasinglyuniesworldaccumulationwiththestructuresofeverydaylife(food,water,housing)–renderingtheselatterdependentuponthevitalityofMthroughcreditmechanisms–thissuggeststheneedtoviewnancializationandthecommodicationofnatureasdifferentiatedmomentswithintheunityoflatecapitalism.Globalizingmalnutritiondoesnotadduptoa‘foodcrisis’(MagdoffandTokar2009.)Solongashungercanbecorralled,andimposedontheverypoorestoftheworld,thereisnogreatproblem.Thegreatboomofthelongtwentiethcenturywasconstructedonthemassgravesofthe‘lateVictorianholocausts’supervisedbytheBritishEmpire,duringthelatenineteenthcenturyeraofnan-cialization(Arrighi1994;Davis2001).Whatmattersisthepriceoffoodintheheartlandsofproletarianization,wheretherewasnofoodcrisisinthelatenine-teenthcentury.Indeed,worldcerealpricesdeclinedsharply,propelledbygenocide,‘railroadization’andtherstseriousmechanizationofagriculture(Friedmann1978;Kautsky1988;O’Rourke1997).Wherewillcapitaltodayndtheconditionsforanothersucheraofcheapfood?Neoliberalismpinsitshopesforagriculturalrevolutiononbiotechnology,associatedwithallmannerofthe‘newen

closures’(Shiva1997;Rifkin1998;Weis2007;Cooper2008).Ittstheclassicmodelofagriculturalrevolution,insofarasiteffectsaredistributionofincome(furtherdifferentiatingclassesoffarmers),isenabledbytheproperty-makingand-securingcapacitiesofstatesandstate-likeinstitutions,andconstitutesapromisingopportunityforaccumulationbysomesectorsofcapital.Itdoesnottthemodel,insofarasithasyettodeliverayieldboomsufcientlylargetocreate(inconcertwithcheapenergyandcheapinputs),theconditionsforanewsystemiccycleofaccumulation.AgriculturalRevolutionsintheCapitalistWorld-Ecology,1450–2010©2010BlackwellPublishingLtd Theglobalizationofagriculturalbiotechnologyhasfailedtoslowtheprogressivedeclineinyieldgrowthworldwide,nowforthebetterpartofaquarter-century(Tilmanetal.2002).Ifagriculturalrevolutionsinthemodernworldhavejustiedtheirbloodyexpropriationsonthebasisofsocio-technicalinnovationsthatmaxi-mizedlabourproductivityinagriculture,anddrovedownthecostofbasicfoodgrains,theso-calledbiotechrevolutionhasmadelittleprogress.Adecadeofresearchhasyieldedtheconclusionthatagriculturalbiotechhasdonelittletoimproveintrinsicyields(Benbrook2001;Gurian-Sherman2009)–evenpromptingMonsantotoannounceplaintivelythat‘themainusesofGMcropsaretomaketheminsecticide-andherbicide-tolerant.Theydon’tinherentlyincreasetheyield.Theyprotecttheyield’(quotedinRitch2009,emphasisadded).Asitturnsout,Roundupcrops,soyaboveall,arenotdoingmuchtoyieldeither,as‘super-weeds’haveevolvedtosurvivetheonslaughtofthefamedherbicide(BenbrookThis‘superweedeffect’marksoneaspectofagriculture’sdifferentiaspecicainMarx’simportant–iftoooftenneglected–argument,notedearlier,thatthe‘overproduc-tion’ofmachinery(xedcapital)tendstowardsthe‘underproduction’ofrawmaterials(circulatingcapital).Risingcostsofenergyandinputsusedinagivenproductioncyclereinforcethetendencytowardsadecliningrateofprotinscribedinrisingmechanization.Ascapitalinvestedinmachineryovertakesthatspentonwages,therefore,theveryproductivitygainsachievedbymechanizationandstan-dardizationsetinmotionwideningdemandsforcirculatingcapital(inputs).Buttheproductionofenergy,wood,metals,bresandotherinputsisrootedinsocio-ecologicalprocessesthatdonotrespondquicklyoreasilytomarketsignals.Theworldoilsector,forexample,hasbeencharacterizedbyunderinvestment,relativetorisingdemandforcheapenergy,sincethemid-1980s(IEA2008).Andinagricul-ture,risingfertilizerpricesin2003–8tendedtounderminefarm-levelprotability.Butthereismoretothisstory.Inagriculture,relativetofactoryproduction,anotherelementisintroduced.Effortstoincreaselabourproductivityhaveled,intheneoliberalera,tonewstrategiesthatseektodisciplinebiophysicalnatureatacellularandevengeneticlevel.Thisisthe‘transitionfromtheformaltotherealsubsumptionofnaturetocapital’(Boydetal.2001).Theproblemforcapitalisthatbiophysicalnaturesevolvefasterthanthecapacityofcapitaltocontrolthem.ThedevelopmentofnewGMOvarietiesisnotdeliveringanewyieldrevolution(Gurian-Sherman2009);moreover,thereisagrowingtendencyforfarmerst

oturnawayfromthesevarietiesinsomeimportantregions,suchasBrazil’sMatoGrosso(Reuters2009).Capitalismtodayconfrontstheoppositeofitsearlymodernbounty.Theriseofcapitalismwasgreatlyfacilitatedbyaseriesof‘yieldhoneymoons’throughwhichtheintroductionofOldWorldcropsintotheNewWorld(sugar),andNewWorldcropsintotheOldWorld(potatoes),providedmassiveyieldwindfalls(DarkandGent2001;Moore2007).Theadvantageofayieldhoneymoonisthatverylittlecapitalneedbesetinmotiontoproduceverylargeamountsoffood.Whatcapitalwants,aboveall,istoinvestalittleandtogainalot:armwantsminimalcapitalizationtosecureitsmaximalcompetitiveposition.Historically,thesecretofcapitalism’ssuccesshasbeentomaintainstrictlimitsontheextentofcapitalizednature.Capital’srstpreferenceistoappropriatenature,ratherthantoproduceitJasonW.Moore©2010BlackwellPublishingLtd throughthecircuitofcapital.Buttheopportunitiesforappropriation,sufcienttoresolveneoliberalism’scrisis,arenotexpanding,butinfactcontracting–andinagriculturethiscontractionowessomethingtothesuperweedeffect.WhenNeilSmithseestheproductionofnatureenteringanewphase,characterizedby‘capi-talizationallthewaydown’tothegeneticrelationsoflifeitself(2006,21),hesuggeststhatthismayprovidetheconditionsforanewphaseofaccumulation.Iamnotatallcertainthatthisfollows.Whilepocketsofhighlycapitalizedprimaryproductionhavealwaysthrivedinthemodernworld-system,adeclineoftheecologicalsurplushasalwaysissuedfromtherisingcapitalizationofworldnature.Thepointofdepartureforeverygreatwaveofaccumulationhasbeentheradicalenlargementofthegeographi-calarenaforcommodityproductionandexchange,therebyextendingtherealmofsocializednatureappropriated(butnotyetsubsumed)bycapital.Therelativescarcityofexternalfrontiersunderpinsacentralfeatureofourtimes.Notonly‘cheapoil’butalso‘cheapfood’maynowbenished,aviewnotlimitedtocriticsoftheagro-foodsystem.TheOECDforecastsrealpriceincreasesof10–35percentoverthenextdecadeforabasketofkeyfoodcommodities,inaprojectiongroundedinthedubiousexpectationthatyieldgrowthwillfollowthe‘historicaltrend’of1960–2000(OECD2008;OECD/FAO2008,47).TheUNEnvironmen-talProgram’srecentreportonthe‘environmentalfoodcrisis’(Nellemannetal.2009)predicts,interalia,climatechange-drivenreductionincroplandby8–20percentbymid-century;mountingpressuresonaquifersandaboveallglaciers,signal-lingloomingwaterscarcity;theproliferationofinvasivespecies,andrisingbiologicalresistancetopesticidesandherbicides;risingfertilizerprices,andtheirdecliningeffectonyields;escalatingcompetitionforarablelandfromagrofuels(alreadyone-thirdoftheUSmaizecropin2008);and,perhapsmostominously,‘anabsolutedeclineintheproductivelandarea(NetPrimaryProductivity)across12percent’oftheplanet,withtheareasmostaffectedhometonearlyone-fthofworldpopu-lation–allofwhichwillbeampliedstillfurtherbyclimatechangeandthemounting‘riskofabruptandmajorirreversiblechanges’(ibid.,40,43).Theprogressofglobalwarmingis,moreover,alreadyimplicatedintheyieldsuppressionofmajorcerealcrops(Cline2007).Thisisbadne

wsforaworld-economyundergoingthemostseriousdepressionsincethelatenineteenthcentury,whencerealpricesdeclinedbynearly27percentbetween1870and1914(O’Rourke1997,789),underwritingarapidshiftintheglobalcentreofgravityfromBritainasworkshopoftheworldtotheUSAastheworld’sassemblyline.Whatistheanalogousprocessfortoday’sworkshopoftheworld?FromwherewillChina’sseveralhundredmillionindustrialandurbanworkersbefed?Iamnotatallsurethattheoldanswerstothisquestionapply,ifthehistoryofcapitalismisanyguide.ThesixteenthcenturyDutchgrewrichthankstocheapgrainfromPoland’sVistula;thenineteenthcenturyEnglishhadIreland,theCar-ibbeanandtheAmericanMidwest.WhentheUSAcametoworldpower,ithadtheMidwest,plustheAmericanSouthandCalifornia,LatinAmerica.Decisivefoodsurpluseswerewoninallcasesfromuntappedfrontierzones,coupled(increasingly)withtheproductivity-maximizinggeniusofcapitalism.EvenSouthAsia’sGreenRevolutionowedmuchtotheappropriationof‘vertical’frontiers:plentifulaquifersathomeandrelativelycheapenergysupplies(forfertilizer)abroad.CheapwaterandAgriculturalRevolutionsintheCapitalistWorld-Ecology,1450–2010©2010BlackwellPublishingLtd cheapenergyfertilizerarerapidlydisappearingtoday(Shahetal.2003;Schill2008).Andwhilebiotechnologyandbiopiracythroughthe‘new’enclosureshavesucceededingreasingthewheelsofworldaccumulationsincethe1990s,theyhavedonelittletoachievewhatallpreviousagriculturalrevolutionshaddone:createtheconditionsforalong-termrelativedeclineinfoodprices.Ifthecrisisofneoliber-alismtodayisinfactadevelopmentalcrisis,oneopentoresolutionwithinthecapitalistmodeofproduction,wewouldexpecttoseeanagriculturalrevolutiontakingshapeinthemostdynamicnewcentreofaccumulation,China.Butfollow-ingtheburstofproductivityandaggregateoutputinthe1980s,thereislittletosuggestthatChinaisonthebrinkofanagriculturalrevolutionthatwillnotonlyfeedtheworld,butcapitalismtoanewgoldenage(Smil2004).Thetransitionfrom‘old’to‘new’agrarianquestionsduringthe1970s,suggestedforverydifferentreasonsbyBernstein(2001)andMcMichael(1997),pointstotheexhaustionofcapitalism’sagro-ecologicalfrontiers,setinmotionduringthelongsixteenthcentury.Whiletherearestillforestsandtractsof‘underutilized’landtoencloseandexploit,today’sfrontiersarebutdropsinthebucketrelativetothedemandsofvalueaccumulation.Frontiersarenotmerelyplaces‘outthere’(andoutoftime)butareconstitutedbythevaryinglogicsofsystemicreproductioninitssuccessivedevelopmentalphases.Thisclosureofthe‘GreatFrontier’(Webb1964)marksanepochaltransitioninthehistoryofcapitalism.Theclosureofresource,labourandwastefrontiershascutoffakeyavenueofcapital’sescapefromtherisingcostsofproduction.Therisingcapitalizationofworldagriculture–throughwhichthefarmbecomestheagro-ecologicalpivotof‘downstream’and‘upstream’commodication–notonlyampliesthetendencytowardsadecliningrateofprot,butinequalmeasureampliesthepressurestoescapeit,througheffortstoextendthefrontierof‘technicalcontrol’(Edwards1979).TheriseofAmericancapitalisminthelatenineteenthcenturyimplied,andin

deednecessitated,aworld-historicalshiftfromtheprimitiveaccumulationofbotanicalknowledgetotheexpandedreproductionofbotanicalknowledge,pioneeredbyUSland-grantagriculturalcolleges,andglobalizedaftertheSecondWorldWarthroughtheCGIARnetworkofInternationalAreaResearchCentres(Kloppenburg1988).Thereis,then,alongerhistorytotheeffortsofMonsanto,interalios,tocentralizeagriculturalknowledgeinthehandsofcapitalanddisplacefarmers’longaccumulatedandtested‘craft’knowledgeoflocalconditionsandpracticesbasedonit(Glenna2003;Stone2007).Inthislight,theGreenRevolution,withitsrecipesforgrowing(thismuchseed,thismuchfertilizer,thismuchwaterandsoforth),maybere-readastheagro-ecologicalmomentofthecontrolrevolutionthatenabledtheriseofgiantindustry,andthewholesaledis-placementofskilledwithsemi-skilledlabour,characteristicoftheAmericanmassproductionregime(Davis1985)–itselfanecologicalprojectofthehighestorder.Insodoing,leadingagenciesofagrariancapital(agribusiness)moveatcross-purposestocapitalasawhole,underminingtheveryexibilityachievedthroughthenineteenthcentury’sfamilyfarmrevolutioninNorthAmerica,whichrelaxedtheoperationofthelawofvaluethroughthedeploymentoffamilyratherthanwagelabour(Friedmann1978).Theerosionofthisexibilitycertainlyoffersashort-runadvan-tagetocapital,butunderminesasocio-ecologicalpillaruponwhichtheremarkableexpansionofthelongtwentiethcenturyanditsagriculturalrevolutionrested.JasonW.Moore©2010BlackwellPublishingLtd Capitalizationisnotalchemy.Thesocio-technicalinnovationspropellingmoder-nity’ssuccessiveagro-ecologicalrevolutionswereneverabletocreatesomethingoutofnothing.Theworld-ecologicalstorehouseofsuchstimuliisnotinexhaustible–newenergysources,scienticregimes,technicalpackagesandorganizationalformscannotbesimplyconjuredoutoftheproductivity-maximizingmagicofbourgeoisingenuity.Thesestimulimustcomefromsomewhere.Andsoitisnotonlythespecicstimulithatareexhausted–asinthechemical–technicalrepertoireoftheGreenRevolution–butalsotheunderlyingvitalityofthespecicallycapitalist.Thesestimulihavepivotedontherelationbetweenthevariableformsofbourgeoisterritorialandpropertyrelations,technicaldynamismtheavailabilityofun-orundercapitalizednature.TheEnglishagriculturalrevolutionofthelongseventeenthcentury–ourclassicframeofreference–wasnot‘simply’theexpres-sionofconvertiblehusbandry,newdrainagesystemsandsoforth,butcouldonlyproceedonthebasisofadoublemovementofgeographicalexpansion:an‘inner’conversionofnitrogen-richpastureintoarableland(thereforeopeninganexpansivenitrogenfrontier)withinEngland(Overton1996);andan‘outer’conversionoftheEnglishCaribbeanintoplantationmonocultures,insugaraboveall(Dunn1972).English,thenBritish,capitalismthrivedonthebasisofthisdoublemovement.TheIndustrialRevolutiontookshapeonitsbasis,therstmovementissuinglaboursurpluses(Brenner1976),thesecond,capitalsurpluses(Blackburn1997).Sometimeafter1760,this‘rst’agriculturalrevolutionwasshowingclearsignsofexhaustion.WithinEngland,per-acreyieldgrowthstagnatedaftermid-cen

tury,andmostofEuropeanagricultureexperiencedthesameeffect(SlichervanBath1963;Abel1980;Clark1991).AlthoughPomeranzdoesnotseethisisacapitalistcrisis,hequitefruitfullypositsthisimpasseinhistorical–relationalratherthanabstract–materialistterms–thatis,fromthestandpointofsocio-ecologicalorganizationratherthanbiophysicalpropertiesnarrowlydened:[P]er-acreandtotalyieldsfromarablelandremainedatandthethreatofdeclineconstant,untilBritainbeganmining,importing,andlatersynthesizingfertilizermostlyafter1850[A]lthoughtheEnglishstudiedcontinentalpractices,classicalagriculturalmanuals,andtheirownexperimentsveryintently,muchofwhattheylearnedabouthowbesttomaintainsoilfertilitywhileincreasingyieldswasnotactuallyappliedinEngland,becauseitinvolvedhighlylabour-intensivemethodsandEnglishcapitalistfarmers...wereonlabour-costminimizationandprotmaximization.Themethodstheyadoptedinstead,whichraisedlabourproductivity,representedabreakwithmuchoftheliteratureonbestfarmingpracticesandactuallyinterferedwithpreservingsoilfertilityinmanycases.(2000,216–17,emphasisadded)Theproblemwasnotthat‘naturallimits’hadbeenreached,butratherthatwhatappearedasabiophysicalimpassewasitselfalimitofcapitalistrelations.Pomeranz’sexplanationfocusesonthecalculationsofcapitalistfarmers,butmaybereinter-pretedfromthestandpointofcapitalasawhole.Untiloff-farmphosphatesbecameavailableaftertheNapoleonicWars(Thompson1968),theonlywaytosignicantlyraiselandyieldswasthroughlabour-intensication.Butthiswaspreciselythemomentwhensuchlaboursuppliesweremostneeded,topropelboththeindus-trializationdriveandtomeetthemanpowerdemandsofthewar.AgriculturalRevolutionsintheCapitalistWorld-Ecology,1450–2010©2010BlackwellPublishingLtd Isitpossiblethattheneoliberalecologicalregimehasenteredaphaseofitsdevelopmentbroadlyanalogoustothecrisisofearlycapitalism’secologicalregimeintheeighteenthcentury?Ordoesthecrisisrunevendeeper?Asaphaseofcapitalism,neoliberalismoweditsveryexistencetotheyieldwindfallsoftheGreenRevolution–surcially‘technical’windfallsthemselves,premisedonthedisintegratingeffectsofmarketdisciplineimposedthroughstatepower.ThesewindfallswerefamouslysetinmotioninIndiainthelater1960s,butwithimportantforerunnersinMexicoandtheUSAdecadesearlier(Wright1990;Perkins1997).Likeeveryagriculturalrevolu-tionbeforeit,theGreenRevolutionofthe1960sand1970stherelativeecologicalsurplus,throughthejudicious(ifbrutal)recongurationofpeasantecologies,especiallyinSouthandSouth-EastAsia(Grifn1974;Shiva1991).Inonesense,thishadlongbeenthepattern,asagriculturalrevolutionshadincreasedtheecologicalsurplusthroughtheappropriationofnature’sfreegifts,lookingbackwardsfromCaliforniaandtheAmericanMidwestinthersthalfofthetwentiethcentury(Kloppenburg1988;Walker2004)toEuropeinthelaternineteenthcentury(vanZanden1991),theAmericanMidwestinthemid-nineteenthcentury(Cronon1991),andtheEnglishandDutchagriculturalrevolutionsoftheseventeenthandsixteenthcenturies(Overton1996;Brenner2001),alongsidecontemporaryplanta-tionrevo

lutions,insugarespecially(Moore2007).Inanothersense,however,theGreenRevolutiondidnottthepattern,preguringtheneoliberalagro-ecologicalimpassetoday.Itenjoyedamuchlowerbiophysical‘rent’thanitsforerunners–mostrecently,theagro-industrialrevolutionoftheAmericanMidwestinthenineteenthcentury–andthisgoesalongwaytoexplainingthehighrateofinvestmentandtechnicalchangeinthelaterperiod.Relativetotheworldwide‘ecologicalcrisis’ofpeasantsocietiesinthelaternine-teenthcentury(Wolf1969),theecologicalrevolutionsetinmotionduringthelate1960srepresentedanepochalleapforwardinthecapitalizationofagro-ecologiesworldwide.Incontrasttotheneoliberalera,thelatenineteenthcenturyrepresentedanaggregatedeclineinthecapitalizationofworldnature–theabsoluteextensionofcommodityproductionandexchangehastendedtoobscuretheextenttowhichminimalcapitalinvestmentmetwithmaximalimperialpowertorealizetheepochalappropriationofbiophysicalsurpluseswithout(yet)capitalizingtheirdelivery.Vastnewsocialized,thoughnotyetcapitalized,ecologicalformationsweredrawnintothematrixofaccumulation.Bycompellingpeasantproducersthroughoutthenewperipheriestosell‘withoutregardtopriceofproduction’–asEngelsobservedinthemidstoftheprocess(inMarx1967,III,726)–suchappropriationrelativetocapitalizationcontributedsignicantlytotherisingecologicalsurplusofthelatenineteenthcentury.TherelationwasreworkedbutnotfundamentallyremadeinthelongeraoftheGreenRevolution.ItwasanerathatemergedrstintheglobalNorth.ThecommercialintroductionofhybridmaizeintheUSAinthemid-1930spromisednotonlyrisingyieldsperacre,andrisingcapitalizationthroughmecha-nizationandskyrocketingfertilizer(andthenpesticide)use.Hybridmaizemarkedanearly,pivotalmomentincapital-orientedbiologicalinnovation.Bycrossinginbredlinesofmaizewhoseseedproducedhighyieldsbutcouldnotberepro-duced,Americanseedcompaniesseveredtheage-oldconnectionbetweenseedandJasonW.Moore©2010BlackwellPublishingLtd grain(Kloppenburg1988,91–129).Hybridizationthusmarriedbio-technicalcontroltothecoercivedispositionsofmarketcompetition,chainingmetropolitanfarmerstothe‘viciouscycle...[ofa]technologicaltreadmill’andacceleratedclassdifferentiation(Kloppenburg1988,119;Glenna2003).ThesamedispositionsplayedoutlaterintheglobalSouth.Farfromsimplyatechnologicalmarvelofnewseedsandnewchemicals,theappropriationofthebestecologicalspaces(goodsoil,goodwater)wasnecessaryfortherealizationofthesocio-technicalvisionsoftheGreenRevolution.AbigpartofthereasonwhytheGreenRevolutionwassosuccessful(thatis,whereandwhenitwassuccessfulonitsownterms)wasthatitimposedcutting-edgetechnologyonregionswherethevalueoflabourandlandwasverylow,drivingdownfoodpricesandtherefore,allthingsbeingequal,thecostofvariablecapital.(Inotherwords,cheapfoodrelievedpressureoncapital’swagebill,attenuatingthefallingrateofprot.)Atthelevelofappearances,wearetreated,then,tosomethingofanopticalillusion–anewstreamofcapitalinputsleadsonetothinktheGreenRevolutionintermsofcapital-intensity.Butinsofarasthis‘revolutionary’projecta

ppropriated,atlittleornocosttocapital,qualityland,accesstowaterandlabourpower,thevalue-compositionofyieldswasinfactverylow,andthereforehighlyprotable.Therevolutionaryachievementsweremadethroughplunderasmuchasthroughproductivity.Amongstthesecretsofcapitalaccumulationoverthelongueduréehasbeentheprogressive(andalwayscontested)conquestandabsorptionofhumanandextra-humannaturewhosereproductionwaseitherrelatively,orentirely,freefromthelawofvalue.Thecontradictioninhistoricalcapitalismhasbeensimultaneouslytopreserveandcreate–andinthesamemotion,toundermineandappropriate–thereproductionofecologies(as)relativelyautonomouslyfromthecircuitofcapital.Leftecologyhasilluminatedtheongoingtransitionfromtheformaltotherealsubsumptionof(extra-human)naturetocapital(Boydetal.2001;Smith2006),buthasyettograspfullyhowtherisingcapitalizationofnatureproceedsonthebasisoftherelativeexhaustionoftheconditionsofproduction.So,forexample,soilexhaustionis‘xed’throughrisingcapitalizationintheformoffertilizers,whilefertilizersthemselvesworkonlyforsolongbeforeprovokingpestinvasions,esca-latingpesticideuse,whichcreatesnewresistances,andsoforth.Theupshotisthatrisingcapitalizationofnaturecreatesaworld-historicalsituationofrisingproductioncostsstemmingfromthedegradationoftheconditionsofproduction.Risingsocio-ecologicalexhaustionandrisingcapitalizationaretwosidesofthesamecoin.AttheheartoftheargumenthereisthattheGreenRevolutionconstitutedanewphaseinthecapitalizationofglobalnature.Assuch,wewouldexpecttoseeanepoch-makingexpansionoftherelativeecologicalsurplus,atthebeginningofanyrevivalofworldaccumulation,intermsofbothextra-humannature(forexample,grainorenergysurplusesavailableforsaleatlowcost),andthemobili-zationofhumannaturerelativesurpluspopulation.Suchrevolutionsyieldadoublewindfall:cheap,extra-humanresourcestomaximizeyields(andminimizeInsharpcontrasttothe‘newimperialism’of1873–1914,whencapital’sappropriationofglobalnature(inthenewcolonies,inthewhitesettlerzonesetc.)outranthecapitalizationofnature.ThiswastrueeveninNorthAmerica,withitsmassiveappropriationofland,waterandmillenniaof‘stored’buteasilyexhaustedsoilfertility.AgriculturalRevolutionsintheCapitalistWorld-Ecology,1450–2010©2010BlackwellPublishingLtd theirvaluecomponent),therebydrivingdownfoodpricesrelativetothoseofindustrialgoods;andexpandingthereservearmyoflabourthroughmechanization,labour-intensicationandthedifferentiationofpeasantries.Aswehaveseen,theperiod1980–2000offeredthelowestworldmarketpricesforfoodinworldhistory,accompaniedbytheextraordinaryexpansionoftheglobalworkingclass.Freeman(2005)thinksthatnearly1.5billionworkers‘fromChina,India,andtheformerSovietUnionenteredthegloballabourpool’inthesedecades.Evenallowingforexaggerationinthisgure,theseaccomplishmentsreducedthecostoflabourpowertoglobalcapital,andthereforecounteractedthetendencytowardsdecliningprof-itability.Inthemiddlerunof25–35years(roughlytheofneoliberalism),wewouldexpecttoseetwocontradictionswithinagriculturecomeintop

lay,graduallyerodingthemechanismsfordelivering(orevensustaining)anecologicalsurplussufcientforexpandedaccumulation.Ontheonehandistherisingorganiccompositionofcapitalatasystemwidelevel.ThistendencyhasprogressedfarthestintheUSA,wheretherisingenergythroughputofagriculturecoincidedwithanavalancheoffarmbankruptcies,registeringfalteringprotabilityatthe‘enterprise’levelafterthe1970s.By2004,just3.4percentofUSfarmsproducedover45percentofoutputbyvalue,closetodoublingtheoutputshareofthelargestfarmsinthe1970s(MacLellanandWalker1980;Hendricksonetal.2008,311).Thisten-dencyoffarmconcentrationunderpinsthehighratesofprotabilityenjoyedbyagribusinessintheneoliberalera(McMichael2009).Ontheotherhand,theveryescalationofrisingenergythroughput–decliningenergy‘efciency’,ifthisistherightwordforit(Pimenteletal.1973,2008)–canbeunderstoodas,rst,afarm-levelresponsetothecoercionofnancecapital,whichdemandsrisingproductivityinrelationtoanaveragerateofprotdeter-minedingreatpartbynon-agriculturalenterprises,andincreasinglythenancialsector(M);and,second,therelativeexhaustionofneoliberalcapacitytogovernbiophysicalnatures.Thelatterhasassumedtwoprincipalformstodate:escalatingresourcedepletioninwaterandsoilespecially,partiallymaskedbynitrogenfertil-izers;andthecreativeresponseofextra-humannaturetothedisciplinesofcapital-ism,ofwhichthe‘superweedeffect’isemblematic.Indeed,giventhestronglyboundcoevolutionofsuperweedswithGMOsoy,wemaysooncometounderstandtheriseofthesuperweedasaworld-historicalevent.Thepost-1971nancialexpansion–whichrepresentsamultiplicationofsys-temwideclaimsonthefutureecologicalsurplus–propelledaradicalexpansionofpropertyclaimsonthegeneticdiversityofthebiosphere.Thisisnotnew,andinabroadsensethistooisacyclicalphenomenonoftheworld-economy.The‘primitiveaccumulationofbotanicalknowledge’hasbeenwithussincethelongsixteenthcentury(Brockway1979;Kloppenburg1988;Cañizares-Esguerra2004).Whatnew,however,isneitherenclosure,noritslatestincarnation‘biopiracy’,butthewholespectrumofeffortstoreworkandcontrolnatureatageneticlevel.Neolib-eralismhasjoinedrapidnancializationwithtransitionsfromthe‘formal’tothe‘realsubsumptionofnaturetocapital’.AndsowehavemovedfromCaptainHooktoDrFrankensteininmodernity’sproductionofnature.Whetherornotabiotechrevolutionwillprovideawayforwardremainsuncertain(seeKloppenburg2010;Wieldetal.2010–thisissue).Gurian-Sherman(2009,2),intherstcomprehensivesurveyofbiotechnology’saggregateyieldJasonW.Moore©2010BlackwellPublishingLtd effect,ndsalmostallgainsinoperationalyieldsandnotintrinsicyields(which‘mayalsobethoughtofaspotentialyield’).Evenifwaterandlandconstraintscouldbeovercomethroughnewgenetic–chemicalcombinations–andthe‘waterques-tion’maywellbemoreseriousthancommonlyrecognized(Gleick2008)–theverycapital-andenergy-intensivebasisoflatecapitalistagriculturecreatesanevenmoreseriousconstraintonitscapacitytoraiseyieldssignicantly.Thetechnicalcontrolregime–inthisinstance,thecontrolofweedsandpests–promisestoinducetheevo

lutionofmoreresistantpestsandpathogens(Ruttan2002).Thereis,then,a‘feedback’contradictionatplayhere.Ontheonehand,capitalmustrealizeanepoch-makingexpansionoftherelativeecologicalsurplus,manifestedasamassiveexpansionof‘cheap’food,energyandmaterials.Ontheotherhand,thevery(capital-intensifying)strategiestoenablesuchanexpansionwillenclosethosesmallzonesofundercapitalizednaturethatstillexist,andwillintensifytheefforttofragment(anddisciplinethefragmentsof)globalnature.Braverman’silluminationofcapital’sdrivetoreduceconcretelaboursinto‘universalandendlesslyrepeatedmotions’mightwellbeextendedtotheofhumanlabouraswell(1974,125).Thedrivetoreduceextra-humannaturetoan‘interchangeablepart’(ibid.)–thatis,fragments–is,equally,animmanentfeatureofcapitalistdevelopment:rangingfromthe‘forest-equivalents’ofseventeenthcenturyEuropeanforestlaws(Moore2010a,b)totheimpositionof‘extraordinaryregularcadastralgrids’onthelandscapesofNorthAmerica,Australiaandelsewhere(BrayshayandCleary2002,6)tothemanipulationofgeneticmaterialandthegenomicmappingthatitimplies(Rifkin1998).Giventhecontractionofopportunitiesforappropriation,frontierexpansion–therstmovement–impliesanescalationofclassandimperialprojectsto‘reservetheexclusivityofaccesstotheseresources’(Amin2008),andhenceofcostlysocialandgeopoliticaltensions.Thesecondmovementofcapitalizationtechnicalinnovationisalreadygeneratingabundleofunpredictableresponses,thesuperweedeffect.Theverystrategiesthatseektocontrolanyspecicnature-fragmentunderminethemiddle-runconditionsthroughwhichproductivitygainsandpredictabilitycanberealized.Forthisreason,Iamnotmuchconcernedwiththeecological‘overshoot’preoccupationsofmuchgreen,andevenred–green,thinkingthesedays(Catton1982;Foster2009),notbecauseovershootisapoordescription,butbecauseitisnotmuchofanexplanation.Thecrucialissue,fromthestandpointofthelongueduréeisthatthe‘time–spacecompression’centraltotheaccumulationofcapitalbothdependsupon,anddriveseverfaster,thetime–spacecompressionofbiophysicalnatures.Thereisadialectichere:inhistoricalcapitalism,extra-humannatureevolvesmuchfasterthanthesocialrelationsthatseektogovernit.Itistheverydynamismofthesystemcreatesthemirageofsuspendingthedialectic.Andyetforallthehopespinnedonthismiragethebiophysicalmomentisincreasinglyunpredictableanddeeseffortstodiscernimpendingqualitativeshiftswithanydegreeofcerti-tude(Schefferetal.2001).Ascapitalcomestocirculatethrough(andnotmerelyaround)biophysicalcircuits,thefastertheseecologicalrevolutionsmovefromliberatingtoimprisoningaccumu-lation.HereisthepoliticalecologyofNatureas‘opportunity’‘obstacle’–anenablerof,andhindranceto,capitalaccumulation–insuccessiveecologicalregimes(Mann1990;Boydetal.2001).ThuseachnewecologicalregimetakeslesstimethanAgriculturalRevolutionsintheCapitalistWorld-Ecology,1450–2010©2010BlackwellPublishingLtd itspredecessortoclosethecircle.Thisreectstwocontradictions.First,thereistheaccelerationofturnovertimeascapitalpenetratesprimaryproduction.Thisisthetransitionfr

omthe73-daychickenin1955tothe42-daychickenin2005(Boyd2002,637;Weis2007,61).Wendthesecondinthe‘tamingcycle’(Wallis2000),withthetaleofthesoybeanandthesuperweed.ThetwomomentsndunicationinPatel’squipthatchickensarenow‘soywithfeathers’(2007,212).Everyleapforwardinlabourproductivity(morechickensperworkinghour)alsorepresentsaleapforwardintoxication(morepoisonsperdollar)andthecreativeresponsesofextra-humannaturetothedisciplinesofcapital(moreweedsperhectare).Thisinnerlogicofcapital–itstendencytodissolvesocio-ecologicalparticu-laritiesandreconstitutethemas‘interchangeableparts’(e.g.cadastralgrids,stan-dardizinghogs,greenbeans,andhamburgers,patentinggenes)–tendstoenabletheaccumulationofcapitalforatime,but,intheabsenceofuncapitalizednature,isunsustainablewithinthelogicofcapitalaccumulationitself.Thetemporalmomentiscrucial,fortherisingcapitalizationofnatureworkswithinestablishedboundariesbyacceleratingtheappropriationofMarx’s‘originalsources’ofwealth,labourandland(1976,636–8).Thisaccelerationposesonesetofcontradictionsthroughtheover-productionofmachineryandtheunderproductionofinputs.Another,perhapsmoredestabilizing,setofcontradictionsemergesthroughthecontroleffortsthatseektorendermorepredictabletherelationwiththerestofnaturebut,overthemiddlerun,createconditionsofspirallingpredictability.BYWAYOFCONCLUSIONForthebetterpartoftwocenturies,capitalism‘asworld-ecology’hasproducedabundance,notscarcity.Forthisreasonitiseasytoforget–evenontheLeft(e.g.Buck2006)–thatthehistoryofcapitalismhasalwaysbeenshapedbyanexplosivedialecticofoverproductionunderproduction.Thetechnicaldynamismofthecapitalistmodeofproductionhasobscuredtheformeronlythroughanextraordinaryand‘long’twentiethcenturyofappropriating,enclosingandotherwisemobilizingwithminimalcapitaloutlay,the‘buffers’ofsoil,waterandair.Thesebuffersarenowgone(McNeill2000,359).Thisdialecticofproductivityandplunderworkssolongastherearespacesthatnewtechnicalregimescanplunder–cheapenergy,fertilesoil,richmineralveins.Agriculturalrevolutionshavebeenadecisivepartofthealways-contingent‘solutions’tounderproduction,enabledbythecapitalistappropriation–alongwithcapitalizedproduction–ofcheapwater,labourandenergy.Theseagriculturalrevolutionshavebeenapillarofcapitalism’sglobalecologicalxstrategy,weavingtogetherhorizontalconquests(newcontinentsabsorbed)andverticalenclosures(newmineralveinstappedorcoaleldsmined).Solongasthesexesexpandedopportunitiesforappropriationfasterthantheydemandedcapitalization,theecologicalsurplusexpanded,andworldaccumulationrevived.Capitalizationremainsindispensable–indeed,itbecomesmorecrucialovertime–butonlybyacceleratingtheexhaustionoftheveryconditionsthatsustainaccumulation.Capitalizationcandoitsworkonlytotheextentthatarisingquantumofbiophysicalnaturecanattachtothesamelevelofcapitalinvestment.Thisistheinnercontradictionofthespecicallycapitalistecologicalregime–thecapitaliza-tionofworldnaturetendstorisefasterthantheopportunitiesforappropriation,JasonW.Moore©2010Bla

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