PartySystemsandRealignments3837Mayhew20024751alsosuggests1920asanalternativetothe1894 ID: 149589
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384SocialScienceHistoryBullock,CharlesS.,III(1988)Regionalrealignmentfromanoceholdingperspective.JournalofPolitics50:553 74.Burnham,WalterDean(1967)Partysystemsandthepoliticalprocess,inWilliamNisbetChambersandWalterDeanBurnham(eds.)TheAmericanPartySystems:StagesofPoliticalDevelopment.NewYork:OxfordUniversityPress:277 307.(1970)CriticalElectionsandtheMainspringsofAmericanPolitics.NewYork:Norton.(1991)Criticalrealignment:Deadoralive?inByronE.Shafer(ed.)TheEndofRealignment?InterpretingAmericanElectoralEras.Madison:UniversityofWis-consinPress:101 39.Burnham,WalterDean,JeromeM.Clubb,andWilliamH.Flanigan(1978)Partisanrealignment:Asystemicperspective,inJoelH.Silbey,AllanG.Bogue,andWil-liamH.Flanigan(eds.)TheHistoryofAmericanElectoralBehavior.Princeton,NJ:PrincetonUniversityPress:45 77.Campbell,Angus(1966)Aclassicationofthepresidentialelections,inAngusCamp-bell,PhilipE.Converse,WarrenE.Miller,andDonaldE.Stokes(eds.)ElectionsandthePoliticalOrder.NewYork:Wiley:63 77.Campbell,JamesE.(1997)ThePresidentialPulseofCongressionalElections.2nded.Lexington:UniversityPressofKentucky.(2000)TheAmericanCampaign:U.S.PresidentialCampaignsandtheNationalVote.CollegeStation:TexasA&MUniversityPress.Carmines,EdwardG.,andJamesA.Stimson(1989)IssueEvolution:RaceandtheTrans-formationofAmericanPolitics.Princeton,NJ:PrincetonUniversityPress.Chubb,JohnE.(1978)Systemsanalysisandpartisanrealignment.SocialScienceHis-tory2:144 71.Clubb,JeromeM.,WilliamH.Flanigan,andNancyH.Zingale(1980)PartisanRealign-ment:Voters,Parties,andGovernmentinAmericanHistory.BeverlyHills,CA:Sage.Converse,PhilipE.(1966)Theconceptofthenormalvote,inAngusCampbell,PhilipE.Converse,WarrenE.Miller,andDonaldE.Stokes(eds.)ElectionsandthePoliticalOrder.NewYork:Wiley:9 39.Ferejohn,JohnA.,andMorrisP.Fiorina(1985)Incumbencyandrealignmentincongres-sionalelections,inJohnE.ChubbandPaulE.Peterson(eds.)TheNewDirectioninAmericanPolitics.Washington,DC:BrookingsInstitution:91 115.Gans,DanielJ.(1985)PersistenceofpartysuccessinAmericanpresidentialelections.JournalofInterdisciplinaryHistory16:221 37.Glad,PaulW.(1964)McKinley,Bryan,andthePeople.NewYork:Lippincott.Hetherington,MarcJ.(2001)Resurgentmasspartisanship:Theroleofelitepolariza-tion.AmericanPoliticalScienceReview95:619 31.Jacobson,GaryC.(2000)Reversaloffortune:ThetransformationofU.S.Houseelec-tionsinthe1990s,inDavidW.Brady,JohnF.Cogan,andMorrisP.Fiorina(eds.)ContinuityandChangeinHouseElections.Stanford,CA:StanfordUniversityPress:10 38. PartySystemsandRealignments3837Mayhew(2002:47,51)alsosuggests1920asanalternativetothe1894 96realign-ment.Sundquist(1983:182)termsthe1920saminorrealignment.The1920elec-tionwasexaminedasthestartofthispro-Republicanrealignment(insteadof1896).Itfareswellinthepresidentialvoteanalysis(asinBartels1998:289).Republicanpresidentialcandidateswoninlandslidesin1920(WarrenG.Harding),1924(CalvinCoolidge),and1928(HerbertHoover).However,the1920startisnotstatisticallysignicantinthecongressionalanalysis(whetherornot1874isalsoincludedasarealignment).Withoutaplausiblereasonforadelayoftherealignmentatthepresi-dentiallevel,1896remainsthemostlikelystartofthisrealignmentasitremainstheonlyelectioninthisperiodwithasignicantrealignmenteectinbothpresidentialandcongressionalelections.8Arobustregressionofthecongressionalseatequationincludingsurgeanddeclineandpartysystemvariablesfor1874 92,1894 1928,1930 92,and1994 2004pro-ducedanadjustedof.68.Eachcoecientwassignicant(.01,one-tailed).Theestimatedeectswere0.30forsurgeanddecline,20.10forthe1874 92sys-tem,9.80forthe1894 1928system,23.66forthe1930 92system,and12.88forthe1994 2004system.Theconstant(thebaselineof1868 72)was35.00.9DwightD.Eisenhowers1952and1956presidentialelections,alongwithWoodrowWilsons1912and1916elections,areclassicdeviatingelections(Campbell1966:69 74).ControllingforEisenhowersdeviatingelections,the1968realignmentstarttsthedatabetterthanthe1948alternative,analternativesuggestedbyMayhew(2002:146).WithavariableforEisenhowersdeviatingelections,theequationwitha1948realignment(a1948 2004partysystem)hasanadjustedof.38.Asimilarspeci-cationwiththe1968onsethasanadjustedof.45.ReferencesAbramowitz,Alan,andKyleL.Saunders(1998)IdeologicalrealignmentintheU.S.electorate.JournalofPolitics60:634 52.Aldrich,JohnH.,andRichardG.Niemi(1996)ThesixthAmericanpartysystem:Elec-toralchange,1952 1992,inStephenC.Craig(ed.)BrokenContract?ChangingRelationshipsbetweenAmericansandTheirGovernment.Boulder,CO:Westview:Bartels,LarryM.(1998)Electoralcontinuityandchange,1868 1996.ElectoralStudies17:275 300.(2000)Partisanshipandvotingbehavior,1952 1996.AmericanJournalofPoliti-calScience44:35 50.Beck,PaulAllen(1999)ThechangingAmericanpartycoalitions,inJohnC.GreenandDanielM.Shea(eds.)TheStateoftheParties:TheChangingRoleofContemporaryAmericanParties.3rded.Lanham,MD:RowmanandLittleeld:28 49.Black,Earl,andMerleBlack(2002)TheRiseofSouthernRepublicans.Cambridge,MA:HarvardUniversityPress. PartySystemsandRealignments381realignmentsoccurred,andthepossibilitythatthesuspectedrealignmentswereinsteaddeviatingelections.Theystandoutfromotherelections,includ-ingallofthealternativesraisedbyMayhew.Whywerentthesefourrealign-mentsclearinthestudiesthatMayhewexamined?Insomecases,deviatingelections,theinclusionofanaberrantinuencepointelectionsuchas1912,orshort-termuctuationsofsurgeanddeclinemayhavemaskedlong-termpartisanchange.Inothercases,thefactthatarealignmentwasnotobviousmayreectMayhewspointthatrealignmentsarenotbinaryevents.Indeed,thisanalysishasidentiedtheonsetsofrealignmentsthatmayhavetakenseveralelectionstoemergeandseveralmoretocomplete.Thattherealign-mentprocessisnotinstantaneousandthatthismaycreatesomeuncertaintyastowhenexactlyarealignmentbeganshouldnotbeconstruedasevidencethatrealignmentshavenotoccurred.Theevidenceisthattheyhave.ThesoundnessofMayhewsoverallcritiqueoftherealignmentgenreisdiculttoassess.Realignmentsareonlyoneofmanycomponentsofafullappreciationofwhathastranspiredandwhy.Likeanysingleaspectofelec-toralhistory,theimportanceofrealignmentscanbeexaggeratedtotheexclu-sionofotherimportantqualities.Mayhewmayalsoberightaboutsomeorallofhisassessmentsoftherealignmentgenresclaims(2 14)regardingthecausesandconsequencesofrealignmentstheseissuesarebeyondthescopeofthisstudy.Thatsaid,Mayhewiswronginconcludingthatrealignmentshavenotoccurredandthatthe1896realignment,inparticular,didnottakeplace.Thisanalysishasnotdelvedintothemanyramicationsthatrealign-mentsmayormaynothave,butitwouldseemobviousthatanunderstandingofU.S.electoralhistoryisseverelyimpededifitlacksanappreciationoftheveryreallong-termshiftsinthebalanceofpowerbetweenthemajorpartiesinpresidentialandcongressionalelections.1Foranexcellenthistoryofrealignmentresearch,seeRosenof2003.2Mayhew(2002:50 55)reliesheavilyonBartelss(1998:287 91)indirectassess-mentofcriticalelectionsusingstate-levelpresidentialreturns.Besidestheindi-rectionofthemethodandtheomissionofnonpresidentialdata,Bartelssanalysisraisesseveralconcerns:(1)itcountsstatesequallydespitepopulationandturnoutdierences;(2)realigningeectsarerestrictedtosingleelections;(3)subnationaleects(anelectionsstochasticerror)andpotentiallyshort-termeects(identiedasnationalforces)arecountedincalculatingthelong-termimpactofanelection; PartySystemsandRealignments379Thecongressionalequationsfor1994intable3displayapatternsimilartothatofthe1930realignment.The1994startpointforthenewpartysys-temisthestrongestspecication,butthefouralternativesleadinguptoit(1978,1982,1986,and1990)alsoindicateapartysystemstatisticallydierentfromtheNewDealera.Aretheseearlierelectionsrivalstartdatesto1994,ordotheysimplyreecttheoverlapofelectionsintheseriesandthelargedif-ferencebetweenpost-1994electionsandthosethatcamebefore?Transitionvariablesareexaminedtotestwhethertheseelectionswerepartofatransi-tionbetweenpartysystems.Thesearedummyvariablesforelectionsfrom1978to1992,from1982to1992,from1986to1992,andin1990and1992.Wheneachofthesetransitionvariablesistestedwiththe1994 2004partysystemvariable,noneremotelyapproachesstatisticalsignicance(.05).Itisalsoclearfromtable3thatarealignmenttookplaceatsomepointinthisperiod(thenonrealignmentspecicationfails),thattheNewDealsystemdidnotsurvive,andthat1994wasnotsimplyadeviatingelection.The1994electionwasabreakthroughforcongressionalRepublicans.TheydidespeciallywellintheSouth,wheretheyhadbeenstrongsincethe1960sinpresidentialvotingandwheretheyhadmadesomestridesatthecongressionallevelandbelow,asnotedabovewithrespecttostatelegisla-tivegains.IntheNewDealpartysystem,DemocratsheldanoverwhelmingmajorityofsouthernHouseseats.AlthoughRepublicansregularlywonaboutathirdoftheseseatsinelectionsfromthe1960sto1990,Democratscon-tinuedtodominatetheregion.Thischangedin1994.Since1994Republicanshaveheldamajorityofsouthernseats.CombinedwiththeirgainsintheMid-westandelsewhere,thepartythathadnotwonaHousemajoritysince1954andhadbeenunabletowinmorethan192seats,26shyofamajority,since1956hasnowwonsixconsecutivemajorities.Inshort,the1994midtermelec-tionbroughtthelong-anticipateddeepeningofthe1960srealignmentintocongressionalelections.ConclusionContrarytoMayhewsconclusionaboutthefoundationalempiricalclaimoftherealignmentgenre,thisreassessmentofelectoraldatandssolidevi-denceoffourrealignmentssincetheCivilWar.Therstofthese,oftenunacknowledged,wasarealignmentin1874 76intheaftermathofRecon-struction.Afairlycompetitivepartysystem,withatilttotheDemocrats PartySystemsandRealignments377remotelyapproachesstatisticalsignicance.Coecientsassociatedwitheachofthetransitionvariableswereinthewrongdirection.Theapparenteectsoftheearlieralternativesinthe1930 32analysisaretheresultofthesealter-nativesincludingmanypost-1930elections.Finally,asexpected,arealign-mentdenitelyoccurredinthisperiod.The1930and1932electionswerenotsimplydeviatingelections.IftheNewDealrealignmentisnottakenintoaccount,inessencesupposingasinglepartysystemfrom1894to1968inpresidentialvotingandto1994inHouseelections,theproportionofvarianceexplaineddropstozerointhepresidentialequationsandonly9percentinthecongressionalequations.TheStaggeredRealignmentof1968 94Howwelldothe1968and1994staggeredrealignmentyearsforthenewpartysystemholduptoalternatives?Atthepresidentiallevel,the1968startdateiswellsupported,butthe1972(+4)electionisalsoapossibility(seetable3).Althoughthetemporalsequencesuggeststhatthecaseisstrongerfor1968,thelargeoverlapinelectionsrequiresatesttodeterminewhether1968or1972wasinfactthestartandwhethereitheroftheseelectionswassimplyadeviatingelection.Table6presentstheanalysis.Equation1species1968astherealigningelection.Equation2species1972astherealignmentwith1968asadeviatingortransitionelection.Equation3species1968astherealignmentwith1972asadeviatingelection.Thestrongestequationisclearlythethird:1968wastherealignmentonset,and1972wasapro-Republicandeviatingelection.The1968onsetregressionwith1972speciedasadeviatingelectionismuchstrongerthanspecifying1972astherealign-mentonset(adjustedof.33versus.26intable3(+4)).Therealignmentbegunin1968increasedtheexpectedRepublicanpresidentialvoteby4.6percentagepoints,andthe1972electionprovidedanadditional10.6percent-agepointshort-termboosttotheRepublicanpresidentialvoteinthatyear.Thepresidentialvoteanalysisintable3alsoraisesthequestionwhetherthe1952electionorthe1956election(12and16)mighthavebeentheonsetelectionfortherecentrealignment.Thesignicanceofthe1952and1956specications,however,mostprobablyisaconsequenceoftheirbeingdeviatingelections,assuggestedbythefactthatthefollowingtwoalternativepartysystemspecications(8and4)arenotsignicant.Aregressionincludingbothasingleelectiondummyfor1956asadeviatingelectionand PartySystemsandRealignments375Table5Thepossibilityofan1874 76electoralrealignment Dependentvariable:Democratictwo-partypercentages U.S.HouseseatsPresidentialvote Independentvariables()()()()()( ) . . (.)(. ) . .(.)(. ) . ..(. )(. )(.)(. ) /....(. )(.)(.)(. )(. )(.) / .. .. . (.)(. )(. )(. )(.)(.)Democraticpresidential.votemargin(×inon(.)(. )(.)year,inmidterms)Constant... .. . Adjusted.. ....Standarderrorofestimate. . .. . .Durbin-Watson... ... Notes:Theparentheticalguresare-ratios.Anasteriskindicatesthat.05,one-tailed.Theyear1912isexcluded.Partysystemvariablesareidentiedbytheirinitialyear,whichmaybeamidtermelection.Themostrecentpartysystemisidentiedasstartinginpresidentialelectionsin1968andincongressionalelectionsin1994.thecongressionalanalysis(equation2)butnotinthepresidentialanalysis.Inthepresidentialanalysistheadjusteddropsto.15,andthecoecientfallswellshortofsignicance.Inthecongressionalanalysistheadjustedis.46,andtheeectissignicant.Reconstructionanditsdismantlingmayhavehadasubstantialeectoncongressionalelectionsinthisperiod.AsaresultofReconstructionintheSouth,thepercentageofDemocraticseatswaskeptlowinthe1868,1870,and1872elections(onlyabout30percentoftheseatsin1868and1872).Thischangeddramaticallyin1874,withDemo-cratswinning63percentoftheseatsandmaintainingatleast45percentofU.S.Houseseatsuntil1894.Ifan1874 76realignmentoccurred,itwasintheoppositedirectionofan1894 96realignment.TherstfavoredDemocratsastheSouthemerged PartySystemsandRealignments373Table4The1894electionasarealigning,deviating,orrealigninganddeviatingelection Dependentvariable:Democratictwo-partypercentageofU.S.Houseseats Independentvariables()()() . .(. )(.) .(. )(. )(. ) .. .(.)(. )(.)deviatingsingleelection. (. )(. )Democraticpresidentialvotemargin.(×inonyears,inmidterms)(.)(. )(.)Constant... Adjusted...Standarderrorofestimate. . .Durbin-Watson... Notes:Theparentheticalguresare-ratios.Anasteriskindicatesthat.05,one-tailed.Theyear1912isexcluded.Equations1,2,and3specify1894asarealigning,deviating,andbothrealigninganddeviatingelection,respectively.=4.37,-277;.800;.05).Misclassifyingevenacoupleofelectionssignicantlyblursthedierencebetweenthetwoperiods.Thesignicanteectofthe1894deviatingelectioninthecongressionalanalysis(thenalregressioninthesecondcolumnoftable3)raisesthepossi-bilitythat1894wassimplyadeviatingelection.Thispossibilityisexaminedmorecloselyintable4.Theequationsconsider1894asarealigningelection(equation1),asadeviatingelection(equation2),andasbotharealigningandadeviatingelection(equation3).Theresultssuggestthatthepartysystemexperiencedbothashort-termjoltandalong-termshiftintheRepublicansfavorin1894that1894wasbothadeviatingandarealigningelection.ThedeviatingelectionspecicationindicatesthatRepublicanswerefavored(a17percentgaininHouseseats),asonemightexpectinthewakeofthe1893PanicwhileaDemocratoccupiedtheWhiteHouse.However,theoveralltoftheequationisnotasstrongasthatidentifying1894astheonsetofarealignment.Equation3,includingboththe1894singleelectionvariable PartySystemsandRealignments371tionordeletionofanelectionortwothatdoesnotbelonginapartysystemshouldproduceameasurementerrorandaweakenedestimatedeect.Usingdummyvariablesforthetransitionperiod,wecanalsodeterminewhetherthelead-uptothesuspectedrealignmentonsetinvolvedsignicantpartisanchangeofitsown.Twoadditionalpossibilitiesforeachrealignmentarealsoexamined.One,aninthalternativehypothesis,isthepossibilitythattherewasmentonoraboutthedesignatedrealignmentelections.Inthecaseoftherstrealignment,thiswouldamounttoasinglepartysystemextendingfrom1868to1928.Atenthpossibilityexaminedisthatthesuspectedrealignmentelec-tionwasactuallyadeviatingelectionratherthanthebeginningofanewpartysystem.Forexample,Mayhew(2002:53)doubtsthat1896wasarealigningelectionbutnotesthatthereislittledoubtthatthe1896electionstandsoutforitsshort-termchange.Theimpactofadeviatingelectionisestimatedusingadummyvariablescoredoneforthatyearandzerootherwise.Theempiricalsupportforthesealternatives,asreectedintheequationsoveralltandthemagnitudeofthepartysystemscoecients,isthencomparedtothoseforthecanonicalrealignment.Table3presentsthepartysystemscoecientandthepercentageofexplainedvarianceforthecanonicalspecication,itseightbracketedalter-natives,thepossibilitythattherewasnorealignment,andthepossibilitythatthesuspectedrealignmentwasactuallyadeviatingelection.Thesekeystatis-ticsarepresentedforboththepresidentialandthecongressionalanalyses.Inessence,tenalternativehypothesesaretestedforeachcommonlyhypothe-sizedrealignment.The1894 96RealignmentHowdoesthe1894 96realignmentstanduptothealternatives?Althoughsomerivalelectionsarestrongcontenders,noneisclearlysuperiortothe1894 96start.Inthecongressionalelectionanalysis,the1894startdateisstrongerthantheothersrangingfrom1882through1906andhastheonlystatisticallysignicanteect.Thisdoesnottestwhetherthe1894startdateissignicantlydierentfromtheothers,butitdoesindicatethatHouseelectionoutcomesweresignicantlymoreRepublicanfrom1894to1928(=7.62,.05)thantheywerefrom1868to1892.Wecannotmakethesameclaimaboutthedierencebetweenan1868 96systemandan1898 1928system 370SocialScienceHistorythanabinaryprocess,dummyvariablesusedherecanonlyapproximatewhentherststepsofarealignmentwereevident.Tocomplicatemattersfurther,manyrststeps(orpresteps)mayoccurwithoutshiftingthenormalvoteatall.DemocraticgainsamongCatholics,animportantcomponentoftheNewDealpartysystem,probablybeganin1928,whenDemocratAlSmithwastrouncedbyRepublicanHerbertHoover.Similarly,Republicangainsamongwhitesouthernerstookabigstepforwardin1964despiteLyndonJohnsonslandslidedefeatofBarryGoldwater.Nevertheless,canwesaythatsomedesignationsoftheobservableonsetofrealignmentsarebetterthanothers?Howwelldoalternativepossiblerealignmentscomparetothecanoni-calrealignments?Tables1and2conrmedthecanonicalrealignmentssince1868:fourpartysystemsseparatedbythreerealignments.Realignmentsapparentlyoccurredin1894 96,1930 32,and1968 94.Toassesstheaccuracyoftheserealigningdatesandavoidprivilegingthesecanonicalelections,eightalter-nativerealigningelections(eightalternativehypotheses)bracketingeachcanonicalrealignmentyearareexamined(e.g.,therstrealignmentexaminedinpresidentialvotingis1896).Theeightalternativestartdatesofarealign-mentareset4,8,12,and16yearsbeforeorafterthecanonicalelection(des-ignatedastime).Thealternativeonsetelectionsforthesuspected1896(realignmentinpresidentialvotingare1880(16),1884(12),1888(8),1892(4),1900(+4),1904(+8),and1908(+12).Thehighlyunusual1912election,havingbeenidentiedasaninuencepointinboththepresi-dentialandthecongressionalanalyses,isexcludedfromtheremainderoftheanalysis.Theenddatesforthispartysystemarekeptconstant,inthiscase1928.Withthecongressionalrealignmentstartingin1894,thealterna-tivesarealsotwoyearsearlier,rangingfrom1878to1910.Thealternativedatesofthe1930srealignmentinpresidentialvotingrangefrom1916(16)to1948(+16).Aswiththepriorrealignment,thecongressionalanalysisbeginstwoyearsearlierandrangesfrom1914(16)to1946(+16).Thethirdrealignmenthypothesizedtostartin1968inpresidentialvotingrangesfromalternativesof1952(16)to1984(+16).Forthecorresponding1994congressionalrealignment,thealternativesrangefrom1978(16)to2002+8).Theequationsintables1and2arereestimatedusingthealternativerealignmentyearsandusingtheprecedingpartysystemasthebaselinecate-gory.Sincethesealternativepartysystemshavealargenumberofelectionsincommon,weshouldseeasimilarityincoecients.However,theaddi- Table2RealignmentsindicatedbyU.S.Houseseats,1868 2004 Dependentvariable:Democratictwo-partypercentageofU.S.Houseseats Inuence-pointAllcongressionalelectionscongressionalelectionsexcluded Independentvariables()()()()()( )()() Democraticpresidentialvotemargin.(×inonyears,inmidterms)(. )(. )(. )(. )(. )(. )(. )(. ) . (.)(.)(.)(.)(.)(. ) .(.)(.)(.)(.)(.)(.) .(.)(.)(.)(.)(.)(.) . .. (.)(.)(.)(. )(.)(.)Constant.. ... ... Adjusted..... . . . Standarderrorofestimate........Durbin-Watson..... . . . Notes:Theparentheticalguresare-ratios.Anasteriskindicatesthat.05,one-tailed.Thedierencebetweenthe1868 92and1894 1928systemsissignicant.02(=2.19,one-tailed)intherstsetofregressions.Thedierencesbetweenthe1894 1928and1930 92systemsandthe1930 92and1994 2002systemsaresignicantat.01(one-tailed).Inthesecondsetofregressions,eachpartisaneraisstatisticallydistinctfromadjacenterasat.01(one-tailed).Arobustregressionanalysisindicatedthatthe1868,1872,1890,1910,1912,1914,1934,and1936electionswereinuencepoints.Theseelectionswereexcludedfromequations5 8.Coecientsindicatingdierencesbetweenadjacentpartysystemsaresetinboldtype. 366SocialScienceHistoryhamexaminedchangesinthenational(usuallytwo-party)presidentialvotewithdummyvariablesovertenelections,withveelectionsspeciedaspre-realignmentelectionsandthenextveasrealignment-eraelections.Possiblerealignmentswereexaminedbymovingawindowoftenelectionsoneelec-tionatatime.Thepresentanalysisdiersbyincludingcongressionalelec-tions,takingadirectregressionapproachratherthanexaminingresiduals,examiningpossiblerealignmentssimultaneously,anddetectingandexclud-inginuencepointsthatwoulddistortthendings.TheCanonicalPartySystemsTables1and2presenttheresultsoftheanalysisusingthepresidentialvoteandHouseelectionindicatorsofpartystrength.Therstsetoffourequa-tionsineachtableusesalloftheelectionsintheseries,andthesecondsetusesthosenotexcludedasinuencepoints.Therobustregressionanalysissetasideonly1912(theWilson-Roosevelt-Taftelection)fromthepresidentialanalysisandexcludedeightelections(1868,1872,1890,1910,1912,1914,1934,and1936)fromthecongressionalanalysis.Theequationsetsareestimatedexcludingeachpartysystemvariableinsequencetoavoidperfectmulticol-linearity.Eachsetoffourequationsintables1and2isessentiallythesameequation,hencethesamesummarystatisticsandsymmetryofcoecientswithdierentbaselineeras.Eachversionisreportedtofacilitatecomparisonofthepartyeras.Theconstantineachequationisthemeanofthedepen-dentvariablefortheeraoftheexcludedvariable.Thisservesasthebaselineforcomparisons.ThecoecientsindicatethedierenceinthemeanDemo-craticPartystrengthbetweentheelectionsoftheperioddesignatedbythevariableandthebaselineera.Forexample,accordingtoequation1intable1,theexpectedDemocratictwo-partypresidentialvotefrom1868to1892was49.31percent,andthisdroppedby3.95percentagepointsintheerafrom1896to1928.Theimportantcomparisonsinvolvethecoecientsinboldtypenexttothediagonal,whichcompareadjacentpartysystems.Thesecoecientsindicatethemagnitudeofanychangeinexpectedpartystrengthfromonesystemtothenext.Adistinctpartysystemoughttobesignicantlydierentinitspartisanshipfromtheprecedingsystemandfromthefollowingsystem. PartySystemsandRealignments365reectthis,electionsfrom1932to1964arecountedaspartoftheNewDealpartysystemfortheanalysisofpresidentialvoting,andelectionsfrom1930to1992arecountedasNewDealsystemelectionsfortheanalysisofcon-gressionalelections.Thepost NewDealrealignmentsystemiscodedoneforelectionssince1968inthepresidentialanalysisandsince1994inthecon-gressionalanalysis.Inadditiontothepartysystemvariables,thecongressionalanalysisin-cludesameasureoftheeectsoftheon-yearpresidentialsurgeandthemid-termdecline(A.Campbell1966;J.Campbell1997).Thevariableisthedier-encebetweentheDemocraticpresidentialcandidatesvotepercentageand50percent,takingapositivesigninonyearsandanegativesigninmidterms.Apartyshouldgainseatsintheonyearandloseseatsatthenextmidterminproportiontoitspresidentialvotemargin(J.Campbell1997).Controllingfortheseshort-termoscillationsisnecessarysothattheyarenotconfusedwithlong-termshifts.Thesesurgeanddeclineeectshavenonetpartisaneect.Withintheon-yearandmidtermcycle,themidtermdeclinecancelstheon-yearsurge.Theeectsofrealignmentonsetelectionsareestimatedstraightfor-wardlyusingmultipleregression,withappropriateprecautionsforserialcor-relation.Althoughtheanalysisspans136years,itispossiblethatafewelec-tionsmayhaveundueinuence,producingndingsreectingthatelectionratherthanelectionsingeneral.Toavoiddistortionfrominuencepoints,inadditiontoexaminingthefullsetofelections,bothoftheanalysesareexaminedwithaleastmediansquares(LMS)robustregressiontechnique(RousseeuwandLeroy1987).LMSeectivelyidentiesandexcludesinu-encepoints.Itremovesanysubjectivityindeterminingwhich,ifany,elec-tionsaresounusualthattheyshouldbesetaside.Also,toavoidprivilegingorpreselectingthehypothesizedrealignmentyearsorspecifyingsomearbi-traryspanforrealignments,theanalysisconsidersawiderangeofalterna-tiverealignmentonsetelectionsaswellasthepossibilitiesthatthesuspectedrealignmentsdidnotoccuratallorweredeviatingelections.Overthecourseoftheanalysis,withonlythreejustiedexceptions,everypresidentialelec-tionisconsideredasapossiblerealignmentonset.Whilethismightappearahistorical,thepurposeistoavoidimposingonthedataanypreconceivednotionofwhentheonsetofarealignmentmayormaynothaveoccurred.ThisresearchisinseveralrespectsanextensionofWalterDeanBurn-hams(1970:13 18)analysis(seealsoLawrenceandFleisher1987).Burn- PartySystemsandRealignments363tiedaspartofthenewpartysystem.Eachfollowedthestartofaneconomicdepression,in1893and1929,respectively,eventsthatmayhaveprecipitatedoracceleratedtheserealignments.Thethird-andfourth-partysystemvariablesdierinthepresidentialandcongressionalanalyses.Afteryearsofweatheringinternalpartydivi-sions,thesplinteringofthepartycoalitionin1948(theDixiecratandPro-gressivebolts),andthetwindeviatingelectionsoftheEisenhoweryears,theDemocraticPartysmajorityinpresidentialvotingdissolvedinthelate1960s(Burnham1991:115;Shafer1991:47;AldrichandNiemi1996:88;Beck1999:39).Althoughtherehadbeensignicantregionalshiftsincongressionalelec-tionssincethe1960s,includingRepublicangainsintheSouth,DemocraticdominationofHouseelectionssurviveduntiltheearly1990s.Inelectionsfrom1958to1992,Republicansneverwonmorethan192seats(44percent).TherecentrealignmentbeganwithRepublicaninroadsinpresidentialvotingintheformerlysolidDemocraticSouthinthe1950sand1960s.contrasttotheNewDealsystem,Republicanssince1968havehadagoodmeasureofsuccessinpresidentialelections,winningsevenoftencontests.Aggregateshiftsinboththedirectionandthestrengthofpartyidenticationfollowedinthemid-1980s(Norpoth1987;Petrocik1987:349;Miller1991;AbramowitzandSaunders1998;Bartels2000;Hetherington2001),thoughchangeamongwhitesouthernerswasevidentearlier(Ladd1985;Woln-ger1985;Stanley1988).Between1952and1980DemocratsoutnumberedRepublicansamongvotersbyanaverageof54percentto38percent,with8percentindependents(Campbell2000:211).In1984thegapnarrowedtoatwo-pointDemocraticadvantage(47percentto45percent),butDemocratsretainedcontroloftheHouse.Thenin1994Republicansbrokethroughincongressionalelections,gaining54seatsandaHousemajorityforthersttimein40years.Itwas,asEverettCarllLadd(1995:22)putit,anotherstepinthevastpartisanrealignmentthathasbeenoccurring.AccordingtoAlanAbramowitzandKyleL.Saunders(1998:647),ThedramaticRepublicanvictoryinthe1994midtermelectionandthereelectionofaRepublicanCon-gressin1996reectedalong-termshiftinthepartyloyaltiesoftheU.S.electorate.HouseRepublicanshavecontinuedtoholdnarrowmajoritiesforsixconsecutiveelections.Priortotherealignmentappearinginpartyidenticationnumbersinthe1980sanddeepeningintoHouseelectionsinthe1990s,somedeclaredthepartysystemdealignedandtherealignmenthollow(Wattenberg1987), PartySystemsandRealignments361man1976;Gans1985),thisresearchreexaminestheevidencethatnationalpartisanrealignmentshavetakenplacesince1868.Specically,wastherearealignmentin1896,1932,andthelate1960s?WithrespecttoMay-hewsassessmentsofthe15claimsoftherealignmentgenre,ishecorrectinrejectingtheideathatrealignmentonsetelectionsaredistinguishablefromnonrealigningelections(claim1,thegenresfoundationalempiricalclaim[2002:14])andthatthereexistedasystemof1896(claim15[ibid.:30])?TheconventionalviewisthatthepartysystemfromtheCivilWarto1892washighlycompetitive.In1896orthereabouts,intheaftermathoftheeconomicpanicof1893andwiththeDemocraticPartycontrolledbyitspietistic,populist,Bryan-ledwing,theelectoratebecamemoreRepublican(Key1955:12;Glad1964:199;Burnham1970;Kleppner1972;McCormick1986).ThisRepublicaneralasteduntiltheGreatDepressionof1929.TheinuxofCatholicimmigrantvotersandtheeconomiccrisisproducedaneraofDemocraticPartydominance.Althoughitshowedsignsofsplinteringandweakeningasearlyas1948,thisNewDealpartysystemsurvivedintothe1960sinpresidentialvotingandthe1990sincongressionalvoting.Whilethereisnotyetaprevailingviewofthenatureofthepost NewDealpartysystem,thepartiesarenowagainnearparity(Ladd1997).Beforereexaminingtheevidenceofwhethertheseorotherrealignmentstookplace,thedenitionofrealignmentinusehereshouldbemadeclear.Forourpurposes,arealignmentisadurableandsubstantialshiftinthepartiesnationalelectoralbalanceofpower.Thisdenitioncomportswellwithcom-monusageaswellaswiththedenitionsusedinmanypreviousstudies,includingMayhews(seealsoKey1959:198;Campbell1966:74;Clubbetal.1980:22;Miller1991:568;Bartels1998).Italsoallowstheeectsandcausesofrealignmentstobeexaminedempirically.Realignmentsmayhavedierentcausesandmaytakeplaceindierentways,butdierencesintheirdevelop-mentshouldnotbeconfoundedwithwhetherarealignmentoccurred.Thisdenitionalsorecognizesthatrealignmentsvaryinmagnitudeandduration.Itprovidesforrealignmentstobemoreorlessregionalized(Bullock1988)ortoinvolvechangesindierentpopulationorregionalsubgroups(inter-activechange),solongasthesechangesyieldanationalshiftinrelativepartystrength.Manysubnationalelectoralshiftsarepoliticallyimportanteveniftheyosetoneanotherandproducenonationalchange,butourconcernisexclusivelywithnationalshifts.Thelimitedpurposeofthisstudyistodeter-minewhetherandwhennationalpartisanrealignmentsoccurred(Mayhews 360SocialScienceHistoryandathird(JamesA.Gareldsin1880)waswonwithasmallerpluralitythanJohnF.Kennedysmarginin1960.RealignmentsQuestionedDespitethisrecordandtheextensivescholarshiponrealignments,theutilityoftherealignmentconcepthasbeencalledintoquestion.Onereasonforthisisitsunsettleddenition.Realignmentshavebeendenedasdurablechangesintheissuesthatpoliticallydividethenation(e.g.,Key1955;Sundquist1983)oringrouporregionalattachmentstotheparties(Key1955;Petrocik1981,1987).Theyhavealsobeendenedasdurableshiftsinthebalanceofpowerbetweentheparties(Key1959)orsignicantchangesinthenormalvote(Converse1966).Withinthisperspective,somerequireachangeinwhichpartyholdsmajoritystatus(Burnhametal.1978:49;Gans1985)orshiftsinpartyidentication(Chubb1978;Miller1991).Somedenitionsbundlevariouspoliticalchanges,includingchangesinpartyvoteshares,theextentofintrapartyconict,third-partyactivity,issuepolarizationlevels,turnoutrates,andpublicpolicies(Burnham1970:6 10;1991:115 16).Thisconcep-tualmuddlehascausedsometoabandontheterm(CarminesandStimson1989;Shafer1991;Silbey1991).Therealignmentconcepthasalsobeencriticizedasbeingunrealisti-callydichotomous,requiringovernightchangeinasingleelectionratherthanbeginninginanelectionandextendingoversomeperiod(CarminesandStimson1989:20).Substantialaggregatepartisanchangetakestime.Thoughsecularrealignmentsexplicitlyprovideforgradualchange(Key1959)anddespiterepeatedclaricationsthatrealignmentstakeplaceoveryears(Key1955:11;Kleppner1981:7;Sundquist1983:11 12),realignmentsarefre-quentlymischaracterizedassingle-electionevents.DavidMayhew(2002:6)hasmovedbeyondpreviouscriticstoclaimthattheconceptofrealignmentandanumberofpropositionsregardingthecausesandconsequencesofrealignmentshavebecomeanimpedimenttounder-standingAmericanelectoralhistory,thattheyconstituteafailedmodelofillumination.Withtheexceptionof1932,hedisputesthatanyrealign-mentshavetakenplace(ibid.:47,141).Heconcludesthatthereisinsucientevidencetosingleout1896asarealigningelectionandobservesthatnocertiableelectoralrealignmenthasoccurredsince1932(ibid.:35).InlightofMayhewsscorchingcritiqueandthatofseveralothers(Licht-