B ernt Brendemoen O slo University Ca 400 BC Xenophon tells about Greek settlements 12041461 The Byzantine kingdom of Trabzon Encounters between Greeks and Akkoyunlu Turks 1461 Ottoman conquest ID: 814971
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Slide1
The Turkish Dialects of Trabzon
B
ernt Brendemoen
O
slo University
Slide2Slide3Ca
.
400 BC: Xenophon tells about Greek settlements
1204–1461: The Byzantine kingdom of Trabzon
Encounters between Greeks and
Akkoyunlu
Turks
1461: Ottoman conquest
o
f Trabzon
1923: The Greek Orthodox population deported
Slide4Slide5Stop phonemes (
occlusives
, plosives,
patlayıcı
ünsüzler
):
unvoiced voiced
aspirated aspirated
labial:
p b
dental
: t d
velar:
k g
Slide6I note the
unaspirated
unvoiced stops as B, D, G.
Slide7Slide8= villages where there is frequent use
of labial and dental UNASPIRATED UNVOICED
STOPS
in initial position regardless of the quality of the following vowel and of velar UNASPIRATED UNVOICED STOPs
in
front of front vowels
, e.g.
Dedum
,
Bara, Gittum, but usually kara.
Slide9The black squares denote villages where the only UNASPIRATED UNVOICED STOPs to be found in initial positions are velar stops in front of back vowels, i.e.,
dedum
,
para
,
gittum
like in ST, but
Gara.
Slide10Slide11Stage 1
(starting in the 11
th
century): Voicing
of initial / k / and / t / when preceding front vowels.
Cf. forms
such as
devey ‘camel’ in
Kāšγarī’s
dictionary. The development has most probably had an UNASPIRATED UNVOICED STOP as an intermediate stage. k > G > g in front of e, i,
ö
,
ü
t
> D > d in front of e,
i
,
ö
,
ü
Slide12Stage 2: Initial
/ t / preceding back vowels starts to go through the same process in the 13th and 14th centuries, but this development is not completed until approximately the 15th century. tar >
D
ar >
dar
.
t > D > d in front of a,
ı
, o, u
.
Slide13Stage 3, end of 15
th
century: A
parallel voicing of initial velar stops before back vowels commences
in
Azeri and Anatolian and Balkan Turkish except for most parts of Trabzon and
Rize
and certain Balkan dialects.
k > G > g in front of a,
ı
, o, u.
Slide14Slide15Tendency of
/
ü
/
>
/
u /,
/ ö / > / o / and / ı
/ > /
i /. The strength of this phonological mechanism varies very much. In the ”nucleus areas” it does not take place after velar stops, but in Rize
it does.
Examples:
ordek
, ST
(Standard Turkish)
ördek 'duck',
tok
-, ST dök- 'to pour', but usually
kız
(and not
kiz
) '
girl
'.
Rize
:
g'ọr
- ~
g'or
-, ST
gör
-'to see'.
Slide16Labial harmony is on a very archaic stage of development in the nucleus
areas.
Suffixes ending in a high vowel + / k /
have
an / u / all over the area (more rarely /
ü
/ because of the tendency to front /
ö / and / ü
/). The other suffixes belonging to the Old
Anatollan
Turkish rounded high vowel suffix class vary in realization, while the unrounded high vowel suffix class is more conservative, mostly
having the
realization
/
i
/.
Slide17Slide18Slide19Slide20Examples:
Gittuk
(ST gittik) 'we went',
kalabaluk
(ST kalabalık) 'crowd',
çorapçuklar
(ST çorapcıklar) 'little socks'. Other suffixes:
bilurum ~
bilirum
~
bilirim (ST bilirim) 'I know"; balukçi (ST balıkçı) 'fisherman', adamun
koli
(ST adamın kolu),
oni eldurdi
(ST öldürdü) 'he killed him
'.
Slide21Velar stops becoming affricates in front of front vowels in the non-nucleus areas. At the same time, the
palato–alveolar affricates / ç / and / c / are dentalized (> / ts /, / dz /). This feature is especially salient in most parts of Rize, e.g.
k'im
(almost
çim
) (ST kim) 'who';
g'or
- (almost cor-) (ST gör-) 'to see',
tsay
(ST çay) 'tea',
dzami (ST cami) 'mosque'.
Slide22The dative is used in a locational tense i.e., where we would have expected the locative, especially in the Eastern part of the area.
Examples:
nereyesun
? (ST neredesin) 'Where are you?'
eveyum
(ST evdeyim) "I am
at
home."
Slide23The suffix {–mIş} does not have the same inferential meaning as in Standard Turkish, but rather expresses a postterminal action, at least in the nucleus areas, similar to the use in Azeri, e.g.
bu köye Do:mu
şum
(ST Bu köyde doğdum
)
.
Slide24Zero anaphora, or pro-drop, which is a rule in Standard Turkish, is not very common, especially in the nucleus districts, example: Question:
a:medi G'ördun mi?
('Have you seen Ahmet?) Answer:
G'örmedum oni
. ('I have not seen him), where the ST answer would be only "Görmedim."
Slide25Word-order: Subjects, predicatives and objects frequently occur in post-verbal position in spite of being parts of the
rhema
., e.g.
Gittuk ormana odun biçmeye
("We went to the forest to cut wood"), where the strictly ST expression would be “Odun biçmeye ormana gittik”;
seçtiler oni kral
("They chose him as a king"), where ST would have “Onu kral seçtiler”.