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60 Old French ReEntry Court Remain Therapeutic in an Era of Managerialism and Prison Overcrowding Martine HerzogEvans University of Rheims Preliminary Who works In France a Judge the ID: 486701

judges jap sentences offenders jap judges offenders sentences research legal judge punitive french prison rulings community people context dealing

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Slide1

Can a 60 Old French Re-Entry Court Remain Therapeutic in an Era of Managerialism and Prison Overcrowding?

Martine Herzog-Evans

University

of

RheimsSlide2

Preliminary: Who works?In France, a Judge (the

juge

de

l’application

des

peines

: J.A.P.) is responsible for:

- releasing inmates (also furlough and remission);

- transforming custody sentences of up to 2 years into various community sentences or measures;

- dealing with or sanctioning breach;

- modifying (adapting) offenders’ in the community obligations;

And also may:

- notify obligations;

- keep an eye on the supervision (duty of PO to report to him). Slide3

The researchIn a context where (in particular in the 2002-2012

decade)

- sentences’ implementation has become a communication device for politicians;

- has become more punitive.

In 2010, a research was launched by MHE and a team of students primarily to assess what was JA.P.’s professional culture (in particular re desistance.

The research also examined several other questions, including procedural issues: was it still possible to abide by due process rules in the above mentioned context? Slide4

The researchMethodology (covering all French regions, including overseas): 3 parts

-

What JAP SAY

: 75 J.A.P

. interviewed

(more than 20% of all J.A.P.);

-

WHAT JAP DO:

Attending all sorts of hearing dealing with a total of 530 offenders;

- Analysing

their written rulings : N1300

WHAT THEIR PARTNERS SAY ABOUT THEM:

- interviewing other practitioners:

38 PO;

5 trainee PO;

16 chiefs PO (8 middle managers and 8 chiefs of service);

5 prison chiefs;

13prosecutors;

32 attorneys.

6 paralegals. Slide5

J.A.P. are good judges1) They want to become J.A.P.

(open question):

-

55.3%

‘for the close relationship we have with

justiciables

’ ;

-

48%

‘the need to do something useful, help people resocialise’;

-

24.3

%: working in partnership;

-

21.3

%: ‘sentences’ implementation law is fascinating’ and complex;

-

17.3

%: want to know what happens after the sentence is passed.

9,33% of judges and 69,8

% of

all their rulings

refer to ‘the meaning of’ the measure or its lack thereof. Slide6

J.A.P. are good judgesWith variations

of course:

e.g. former prosecutors or former prison governors or investigation judges : a little more punitive// former educators, probation officers, family judges, youth judges: less punitive

A lot had been or wanted to be: family judge,

juge

d’instance

or youth judge, positions that equally allow for constant interaction with ‘

justiciables

’ (judges have to change job on a regular basis)

I devoted a lot of energy to finding /interviewing ‘bad J.A.P.’: only found 2…

Only 2/75 wanted to quitSlide7

J.A.P. are transformed by their positionThere is

a rookie section

to the research. I interviewed 9 rookie JAP (only several months as J.A.P.).

It is clear that there is a J.A.P. bug or zombie effect: they are partly infected with the J.A.P. (human, turned towards the future and reinsertion, hands on….) bug, but usually not fully yet.

Fascinating:

the ENM

(school for judge) is praised by the judges trained in the last 4 years since it radically changed its training methods and is now teaching both ‘

savoir faire

’ and ‘

savoir

être

’ (knowing how do to and knowing how to be)

Anti-terrorism J.A.P.:

totally acculturated after several years of practiceSlide8

But… a managerial and punitive contextGeneral penal system

- punitive context: dealing with all offences and harsher sentences = too many cases and overcrowding

M

anagerial pressure

from tribunal hierarchy: J.A.P. must process a maximum of cases

Bifurcation (

Pratt,

2002

 

)

:

- serious offences/offenders: harsher treatment (laws make it more difficult to release them) (

JAP deemed too lenient

)

- less serious/not serious offenders: community sentences or released in a standardised non judicial manner (

JAP deemed not fast enough to process these offenders

)Slide9

Procedure I: holding hearings Tyler (2012:21): four components to procedural justice in courts:

1)

people want to have a forum in which they can tell their

story’

.

In legal terms

(also HER law) = access to a judge/court

2)

people react to evidence that the authorities with whom they are dealing are neutral

’.

In legal terms

= principles

of impartiality and

independence (includes appearance of…).

3)

people are sensitive to whether they are treated with dignity and politeness, and to whether their rights as citizens are

respected.

In Legal terms

=

fair trial. Also relates to judges’ attitude.

4)

people focus on cues that communicate information about the intentions and character of the legal authority

with whom they are dealing’: is the court benevolent and caring, sincerely trying to do what is best,

and so on (redundant with 3)=

savoir

être

…Slide10

Procedure I: holding hearings J.A.P. do tick the abovementioned 4 boxesHowever:

- the law sometimes forbids them to hold hearings

(furlough, remission);

- they can avoid holding hearings if the prosecutor agrees and the decision is favourable to the offender (

eg

release)

= in big jurisdictions (Paris, Lyon, Marseille) 80 to 90% of cases processed without a hearing (

but interesting exceptions by saving time on other tasks

)Slide11

Procedure II: rulings’ ‘motivation’‘motivation’ = writing down in the ruling why the decision was made. Essential in a democracy/fundamental legal principle.

In practice no time = choice between:

- seeing all offenders but not having time to write rulings properly;

- or writing badly

motivated ultra-short and standardised rulings

but seeing (nearly) all offenders. Slide12

Procedure II: rulings’ ‘motivation’For the most part: good rulings (compared with other types of judges/courts)

They often write in a ‘therapeutic jurisprudence key’ tone

J.A.P; say they first and foremost write for the offenders, secondly for the community/society; most often for both.

Clear dichotomy between:

- long sentences/serious offenders: detailed motivation, cautious, precise;

- and short sentences/community sentences: much more standardisedSlide13

They are under attackPrison overcrowding + super

powerful

prison services = tension

against

JAP

who

do not release

enough

&/or

fast

enough

.

Strong forces trying to get rid of JAP b y clipping his/her wings

And creating tensions with probation services

= the idea is to get rid of JAPSlide14

References Pratt J. (2002), Punishment

and Civilisation

,.

Penal tolerance and intolerance, London, Sage

Tyler T. (2012), ‘The virtues of self-regulation’, in A. Crawford and A. Hucklesby (eds.),

Legitimacy and compliance in criminal justice

, Routledge: 8-28Slide15

A bit of publicityTo learn

more about

this

research

and French JAP:

M. Herzog-Evans,

French reentry courts and

rehabilitation

:

Mister

Jourdain of

desistance

,

Paris, l’Harmattan,

forthcoming

(one

ed

. in French, the

other

in English)

=

I’m

busy

translating

it

….

Give

me a

little

time

M. Herzog-Evans (

ed

.),

O

ffender release and supervision: the

role

of courts and the use of

discretion

,

Nijmegen

, Wolf

Legal

Publishers

,

forthcoming

. Slide16

THANK YOU!http://www.univ-reims.fr

/

http://herzog-evans.com

martineevans@ymail.com

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