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voice quality and the tenseness contrast for German vowels Institute o voice quality and the tenseness contrast for German vowels Institute o

voice quality and the tenseness contrast for German vowels Institute o - PDF document

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voice quality and the tenseness contrast for German vowels Institute o - PPT Presentation

The aim of this study is to investigate the laryngeal correlates of the tenseness This alignment is called ID: 192115

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voice quality and the tenseness contrast for German vowels Institute of Phonetics and Digital Speech Processing, Christian-Albrechts University Kiel, The aim of this study is to investigate the laryngeal correlates of the tenseness This alignment is called “segmental anchoring” which means that both the beginning and the end of a rising pitch accent are anchored to specific points in segmental structure (see With this information we can derive three more hypotheses: f0-minimum L is aligned with the onset of the stressed syllable independent of the tenseness of the following vowel. f0-maximum H is aligned with the vowel in a stressed syllable with a tense nucleus or with the following consonant f0 contour is identical in words with tense and lax vowels in the same surrounding. This means both contours have the same duration. For our experiment we recorded three male and three female speakers, aged 20 to 25. They were all non-smokers and lived in Northern Germany for all their lives. 2.2. Speech material Words with tense and lax vowel pairs were constructed in order to control the consonantal Walle – Wahle Welle – Wehle [vel]Wille – Wiehle Wolle – Wohle Wulle – Wuhle Wölle – Wöhle [vøl]Wülle – Wühle We chose flanking voiced consonants to make sure that the whole word was produced Ich habe __ gesagt (I said __) and repeated 9 times in randomized order. The subjects were instructed to emphasise the The recordings were carried out in an anti-echoic studio at the IPDS in Kiel. The subjects read 126 sentences which were individually recorded via a microphone (Sennheiser MD 421); the larynx signal was recorded by a easy to identify, the fixed threshold is a good alternative because of its enhanced consistency The duration of the opening phase is divided by the cycle’s duration (T) to get the Sentences were excluded when there was devoicing in the test word, or the sentence 3.1. Differences in f0 Figure 2. f0 [Hz] measured at the time of the maximum in the stressed syllable for a female speaker. e and lax vowels at the time of maximal f0 excursion for a female speaker. The only vowel pair showing a significant difference as expected was [ was [a:] with the lax vowel having a higher f0 (F(1, 13)=4.79 p )all other vowel pairs either no significant difference could be found for a higher f0 for lax vowels or the differences were significant for tense vowels having a higher f0 than lax The other speakers showed similar tendencies to this female speaker, with only some vowels showing speaker-dependent differences: more specifically, f0 was higher in [] for two speakers, in [] for one speaker and in [] for one speaker compared with their tense f0 (Hz) Schneeberg and Schlüßler 32 3.2. Open quotient Figure 3. Differences in the open quotient in tense and lax vowels for FSA (male speaker). The differences in the open quotient at the vowel onset were only significant for the male speakers. Female speakers showed no distinc One male speaker produced a significant difference for all vowel pairs except for the and . In every case the tense vowels had a higher open quotient which The other male speakers were less consistent: only half of the vowel pairs were significantly distinguished by the OQ. Here again the open quotient is higher for tense r tense ] vs. [e:]) for one speaker differed the other way around. Speaker FSA (Figure 3) showed a signifi[ø]As shown in Figure 4, there were no significant differences in the low tone alignment of the vowel pairs, neither for female, nor for male speakers. The f0 minimum (L) was generally placed in the onset of the stressed syllable for all subjects. Intrinsic f0, voice quality and the tenseness contrast 33 Figure 4. Alignment of the f0 minimum at the vowel onset for a male speaker; Y-axis: time in ms. Figure 5. Interval between f0 maximum and the vowel offset. Example for a male speaker. In the y-axis, 0 marks the vowel offset, the boxplots show f0 maxima of the different vowels. Figure 6. Distribution of the f0 maxima. Example for a male speaker. Italic and bold =lax, normal=tense. In the x-axis, 0 marks the vowel offset. Every mark in the negative area shows a f0 maximum within the vowel, in the positive area a maximum occurring after the vowel. The tense and lax vowels showed clear differences for the placement of H. As can be seen in Figure 5, the f0 maximum (H) was located close to the vowel offset for tense vowels followed this pattern, and one speaker realised the f0 maximum in general quite early. For him the H occurred during the tense and lax vowel. However, it can be observed that for this ed earlier in tense than in lax vowels. Duration (ms) f0 (Hz) Duration (ms) References Arvaniti, A., Ladd, D.R., Mennen, I. (1998). Stability of tonal alignment: The case of Greek prenuclear accents. Journal of Phonetics, 3-25 Atterer, M. & Ladd, D. R. (2004). On the phonetics and phonology of „segmental anchoring“ of f0: evidence from German. Journal of Phonetics, 177 – 197 Fischer-Jørgensen, E. (1990). Intrinsic f0 in tense and lax vowels with special reference to German, Phonetica, 99 – 140 Gandour, J. (1977). On the interaction between tone and vowel length: evidence from Thai dialects. Phonetica , 54-65 Grabe, E. (1998b). Pitch accent realisation in English and German. Journal of Phonetics, 129-144 Hanson, H. M. & Chuang, E. S. (1999). Glottal characteristics of male speakers: acoustic correlates and comparison with female data. Journal of the Acoustical Society of America106, 1064-1077 Henrich, N., d’Alessandro, C., Doval, B. & Castellengo, M. (2004). On the use of the derivative of electroglottographic signals for characterization of nonpathological phonation. 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