Molières life 1622 Born JeanBaptiste Poquelin to a wealthy middleclass family in Paris c 1643 Joined Madeline Béjart and 8 others to found the Illustre Théâtre 164558 ID: 749330
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Slide1
Tartuffe
EN302: European TheatreSlide2
Molière’s life
1622:
Born Jean-Baptiste Poquelin, to a
wealthy middle-class family in Paris
c. 1643:
Joined Madeline
Béjart
and 8 others to found the
Illustre
Théâtre
1645-58:
Toured France with the
Illustre
Théâtre
1658:
Returned to Paris under the protection of Monsieur, the brother of Louis XIV; performed for the King and granted a share of the Petit Bourbon theatre
1661:
Company rehoused in the
Palais
Royal
1664:
Tartuffe
performed in its 3-act version for the King at Versailles, and subsequently banned
1667:
One performance of
L’Imposteur
(revised version of
Tartuffe
), also banned
1669:
Ban on
Tartuffe
finally lifted; became one of Molière’s most popular plays both during and after his life
1673:
Molière’s deathSlide3
Louis XIV (1638-1715)
Patron of the arts
Louis XIV was godfather to Molière’s son
Louis’ ambiguous position on ban:
‘Although the suppression of this work was a severe blow, nevertheless my misfortune was softened by your Majesty’s explanation of this matter; and I believed, Sire, that you relieved me of all grounds for complaint by your kindness in saying that your Majesty found nothing to criticize in the play that you forbade me to present in public.’ (Molière, First Petition, August 1664)
Molière’s
company
became
‘la Troupe du Roi’ in 1665;
Molière became responsible for court entertainmentsSlide4
The Fronde
Louis XIV crowned at the age of 4 in 1643; did not assume full personal power until 1660
State ruled in the interim by the queen mother, Anne of Austria, and her chief minister, Cardinal Mazarin.
Battles between provincial legislatures and the aristocracy, 1648-53
Victory in these wars established the monarchy as absolute and autocratic
Orgon
and the
Fronde
: ‘In the recent disturbances, he may have been / Reliable, brave, loyal to the Crown, / But now he’s fallen for Tartuffe…’ (p. 9)Slide5
Theatrical context
Theatre buildings:
Usually former tennis courts
Only one purpose-built theatre in all France in 1640s: the
Hôtel
de Bourgogne, built in 1548 for religious drama.
Molière’s theatre from 1661: the
Palais
-Royal…Slide6
The Palais-Royal
Physical features:
parterre
amphithéâtre
two galleries of 17 boxes on three sides (third gallery constructed in 1671)
scenic space
audience on stage (highly priced, prestigious)
Audience capacity:
40 on stage
136 in first-row boxes
120 in
amphithéâtre
136 in second-row boxes
136 in third-row boxes (after 1671)
500 in the
parterreSlide7Slide8Slide9Slide10Slide11
Molière’s theatre
Organisation of Molière’s theatre company:
all shareholders
largely democratic, though not everyone had an equal number of shares
financial and programming decisions made communally
sexual equality (for the most part)
older female roles like Mme
Pernelle
played by men
no director as such, but Molière probably took chargeSlide12
Molière’s style
Alexandrines
: heightened, artificial
Stock types
Intertextual casting
Molière specialised in the role of
Sganarelle
, a character who is ‘prone to self-delusion’ and often tries to impose his deluded world-view on those around him (Howarth 1995: 235); similar characters appear as:
Arnolphe
in
L’École
des femmes
(
The School for Wives
, 1662),
Orgon
in
Tartuffe
(1664),
Alceste
in
Le Misanthrope
(1666),
Harpagon
in
L’Avare
(
The Miser
, 1668),
Monsieur
Jordain
in
Le Bourgeois
gentilhomme
(
The Would-be Nobleman
, 1670),
Argan
in
Le
Malade
imaginaire
(
The Imaginary Invalid
, 1673). Slide13
Molière as actor
A contemporary spectator describing Molière as
Sganarelle
:
‘You never heard such a simpleton, or saw such a foolish face; and one doesn’t know whether to admire the author more for the way he has written the play, or the player for the way he acts it. There was never an actor with such control over his facial expression…’
(La
Neufvillenaine
,
Arguments
,
quoted
in Molière,
Oeuvres
,
ed
.
Despois
&
Mesnard
, II, p. 189)Slide14
Commedia dell’arte
Italian
commedia
dell’arte
companies performed in Paris from 1570s onwards.
Popular farce at the
Hôtel
de Bourgogne:
Turlupin
, the braggart (Henri Legrand)
Gros
-Guillaume, the fat man (Robert Guerin)
Gaultier-Garguille
, the old man (
Hugues
Guéru
)
Tiberio
Fiorilli
(Scaramouche) and his company were resident in Paris 1639-48 and then again from 1660 (as the Troupe de la
Comédie
Italienne
) at the
Palais
-Royal, which they shared with Molière.
From the
commedia
dell’arte
, Molière learned ‘how to improvise on stock situations according to the nature of each audience; like them he often performed with a mask or floured face’ (
Maland
1970: 173)Slide15
Abraham Bosse,
Comedians at the theatre of Hotel de Bourgogne,
c. 1634
:
Turlupin,
Gaultier-Garguille & Gros-Guillaume
Slide16
Italian and French Comedians Playing in Farces
, 1670 (detail)Slide17
Neo-classical comedy
Conventions:
contemporary bourgeois setting
family focus (rather than historical / heroic)
young love vs. parental opposition
Pierre Corneille: comedy as ‘a portrait of the manners and conversation of persons of good breeding’:
‘The exclusion of what we should call genuinely “comic” material from this definition was entirely in keeping with the firm distinction between comedy and farce established by the Renaissance theorists, for whom the imitation of life, not the arousing of laughter, was to be the comic dramatist’s goal.’ (Howarth 1995: 233)Slide18
Molière on comedy
La Critique de L’École des femmes
(1663):
URANIE.
… Tragedy, no doubt, is something grand when it is rightly handled ; but comedy has many charms; and I think ’tis no less difficult to write than tragedy.
DORANTE.
You are right,
madame
; and as for difficulty, you would not be wrong if you should add a little to the scale of comedy. I think myself ’tis easier to be grand over grand sentiments, brave adverse fortune, challenge destiny, and hurl defiance at the gods than to exhibit in a proper spirit the absurdities of men and show their failings pleasantly upon the stage. … ’tis indeed a curious enterprise to make the honest public laugh. (Scene VII, p. 340) Slide19
Classical comic theory
Aristotle:
‘Comedy, as we have said, is an imitation of people who are worse than the average.’
His ideas were expanded upon by the 4
th
century AD philosopher
Evanthius
:
‘Comedy is a story treating of various habits and customs of public and private affairs, from which one may learn what is of use in life, on the one hand, and what must be avoided, on the other.’ (quoted in Palmer 1984: 30) Slide20
Molière as satirist
‘Whereas the duty of comedy is to correct men by amusing them, I felt that, being in that profession, I could do no better than to attack, by ludicrous portrayals, the vices of my age.’ (Molière’s
First Petition
, August 1664)
Some of his satirical targets included:
French literary fashion (
Les
Précieuses
ridicules
),
courtiers (
Les
Fâcheux
),
middle-class patriarchs (
Sganarelle
,
L’École
des
maris
,
L’École
des femmes
),
scholars (
Le
Mariage
forcé
),
doctors (
L’Amour
médecin
)
even
his
own
audience (
La Critique de L’École des femmes
)Slide21
Tartuffe
as religious satire
Depicts an actual social phenomenon: the ‘lay director’
Religious/sexual
double
entendres
in Act 3: ‘May He [God] grant you all the joy that I, / His humble servant, also wish for you.’ (p. 42)
Even after he has shown his hand, Tartuffe uses language which is both sexually and religiously charged. The following is a parody of the
Salve Regina
:
Can’t you look kindly on this wretch?
Can’t you find it in your heart
To pour the balm of consolation
On your unworthy slave
Writhing in agony here at your feet?
Oh, you creature from Heaven,
Be the temple where I worship! (pp. 45-6)Slide22
Tartuffe
as religious satire
Perhaps this satire was precisely targeted:
Cléante
on religious hypocrites: ‘There’s a lot of them about’ (p. 17)
There is a possible reference to the Jesuit ‘direction of intention’ in the following lines: ‘scruples can be got rid of… There’s an established way / Of squaring bad actions with good intentions. I’ll teach you the theology.’ (p. 66)
More persuasive is Molière’s loaded use of the term ‘
cabale
’, both in the play (‘There are powerful cabals and cliques out there’, p. 76) and in his Second Petition (August 1667) – this word was widely used as a derogatory term for the
Compagnie
du Saint-
Sacrement
…Slide23
Compagnie du Saint-Sacrement
Compagnie
du Saint-
Sacrement
(Company of the Blessed Sacrament)
founded 1627
Catholic secret society
missionary
charitable
religious
police
nicknamed
la cabale des
dévôts
very powerful in 1664, declined by 1669
The
Président
de
Lamoignon
, who banned
Tartuffe
in 1664, was a member.
It was also he who had given the order to burn alive the heretical writer Simon Morin, along with all his books, in 1663. Slide24
Lost versions of the play
First performance at Versailles on May 12,1664:
only three acts (possibly the current Acts I, III and IV)
Mariane
and
Valère’s
plot may not have been so developed (or even present) in this version of the play
well-received by Louis XIV
Second version performed in Paris on August 5, 1667:
five acts
renamed
Panulphe
, or
L’Imposteur
impostor no longer dressed as a religious man
banned after just one performance
Final version performed 5 February 1669 Slide25
Tartuffe
as satire
Molière’s ‘Preface’ to
Tartuffe
(23 March 1669) describes the play as ‘a skilful poem which, by agreeable lessons, reprimands men’s defects’:
‘If the mission of comedy is to correct men’s vices, I fail to see why some should be privileged. In the State, this one is of an importance much more dangerous than all the others; and we have seen that the theatre is a great force for correction.’
‘It is a great blow to vice to expose it to everyone’s laughter. We can easily stand being reprehended, but we cannot stand being mocked. We are willing to be wicked, but we will not be ridiculous.’ Slide26
Henri Bergson
French philosopher Henri Bergson (1859-1941) published his influential essay ‘Laughter’ in 1900.
In it, he argued that humour arises from ‘automatism’ and ‘inelasticity’ in characters.
‘In laughter we always find an
unavowed
intention to humiliate, and consequently correct our neighbour.’ (
Sypher
1956: 148)Slide27
Orgon’s inelasticity
ORGON.
…my own brother, children, mother, wife,
Could die, I wouldn’t lose a moment’s sleep.
CLÉANTE.
How very human. (p. 14)
Orgon
as machine:
‘And Tartuffe? … Poor man!’
Dorine’s
asides and
Orgon’s
mechanical response to them in Act 2
Orgon’s
alternated lines to
Damis
and Tartuffe in Act 3
His response upon discovering the truth
Damis
is similarly mechanical – he ruins
Elmire’s
plan, and almost gets into serious trouble at the end
Mme.
Pernelle
(significant that she was played by a male actor?)Slide28
Tartuffe
as farce
Structure and
kinaesthetics
Careful building of hints
Careful signposting of key plot elements (e.g. hiding place,
Mariane’s
engagement)
Building of pace:
Physical image of the besieged family
Act 5’s entrances and exitsSlide29
Tartuffe
’s structure
Constant raising of the stakes:
Orgon
orders
Mariane
to marry Tartuffe (Act 2)
Orgon
brings forward
Mariane’s
proposed marriage to ‘today’ (Act 3)
Orgon
disinherits
Damis
(Act 3)
Orgon
resolves to put the deeds to the house in Tartuffe’s name ‘today’ (end of Act 3)
As
Orgon
realises Tartuffe’s true nature, Tartuffe orders him out of the house and threatens reprisal (Act 4)
The play confirms the existence and contents of
Orgon’s
strong-box (Act 5)
M. Loyal arrives to evict the family (Act 5)
Valère
arrives with news that
Orgon
is ‘in mortal danger’ and urges him to flee (Act 5)
Tartuffe arrives to arrest
Orgon
(Act 5)Slide30
The ending
Given that the play is so brilliantly structured in terms of set-up and pay-off in many other respects, why is no mention made of the crucially-important strong-box before Act 5?
Is the final act implausible?
(Do each of the last three acts play with implausible climaxes?)
How do we read the play’s
deus
(or
rex
)
ex
machina
?
‘We live in an enlightened age. Our King,
Who reads us like a book, hates any fraud; […]
To make sure that his judgement’s really fair,
He gathers in the facts till they’re complete. […]
His expert eyes weren’t fooled; they straightaway
Saw the hideous face behind the mask.’ (p. 84)Slide31
Interpreting behaviour
Other characters are impostors of sorts:
Elmire
and
Dorine
feign attitudes which are not their own for strategic reasons;
M.
Loyal’s
discourse is radically at odds with his purpose;
Mariane
and
Valère
waste time and emotional energy masking their true feelings for one another in Act 2 (while
Dorine
watches with incredulous amusement);
Even
Cléante
advises deception (‘You were rash to tackle him head on; / More roundabout methods were needed’; p. 72);
Valère
is the one character in the play to prove his sincerity by his
actions
(this is emphasised by the play’s final line).Slide32
Interpreting behaviour
Tartuffe tells the truth in order to deceive:
‘Yes, brother, I am evil, guilty, / A miserable sinner, full of iniquity, / The vilest wretch that ever trod this earth; / Every second of my criminal life is steeped in filth…’ (p. 49)
‘Ah, the pain I suffer / When people try to blacken my name’ (p. 52)
‘They want you to doubt me’ (p. 53)Slide33
Interpreting behaviour
Cléante
as
raisonneur
‘I can tell truth from make-believe’ (p. 16)
‘The very language of
Cléante’s
assertion that he can ‘du faux avec le
vrai
faire la
différence
’ (354) recalls one of the most influential books of the century, Descartes’
Discours
de la
Méthode
(1637) … In the first paragraph of his
Discours
Descartes assumes that men are all equally endowed by nature with a common sense which enables them to ‘
distinguer
le
vrai
d’avec
le faux’.’ (Gaston Hall 1976: 21)
Cléante
advises
Orgon
to ‘See the real face behind the mask’ (p. 16) and to ‘Learn to distinguish between virtue, / Real and feigned’ (p. 72).
How easy is this?Slide34
Interpreting behaviour
Dorine
speaks scathingly of ‘professional prudery’ (p. 8):
Those who live in the most fragile glass-houses
Always cast the first stone…
They paint people as black as they can
To camouflage their own activities,
Put up smoke-screens, play the innocent,
Hoping to deflect the criticism
Coming their way. (p. 7)
Molière accuses his own audience of this in
La Critique de L’École des femmes
:
URANIE.
I know nothing so ridiculous as this super-sensitive virtue which finds evil everywhere, supposes criminal meaning in the most innocent words, and takes offence at shadows. (Scene III, p. 313) Slide35
Interpreting behaviour
Elsewhere in
La Critique
, Molière’s
raisonneur
Dorante
praises audience members who judge a play ‘by its effect on them, – not by blind prejudice, or silly complaisance, or foolish prudery.’ (Scene VI, p. 323-4)
La Critique
goes on:
URANIE.
All those ridiculous pictures which the stage presents should be regarded without prejudice by every one. They are public mirrors, in which we never ought to show we see ourselves; to be so scandalized at such reproofs is openly confessing our defects. (Scene VII, p. 335) Slide36
References
Bergson, H. (1900) ‘Laughter’, in
Sypher
, W. (1956)
Comedy
, New York: Doubleday Anchor, 59-190.
Gaston Hall, H. (1976)
Molière: Tartuffe
, Studies in French Literature, London: Edward Arnold.
Howarth, William D. (1995) ‘French Renaissance and Neo-Classical Theatre’ in John Russell Brown [ed.]
The Oxford Illustrated History of the Theatre
, Oxford: OUP, pp. 220-51.
Maland
, David (1970)
Culture & Society in Seventeenth-Century France
, New York: Charles Scribner’s Sons.
Molière (1663)
La Critique de L’École des Femmes
in
Molière
,
trans
.
Katharine Prescott
Wormeley
, Boston: Roberts Brothers, 1897, Vol. VI: pp. 299-357.
Norman, Larry F. (2006) ‘Molière as satirist’ in David Bradby & Andrew Calder [
eds
]
The Cambridge Companion to Molière
, Cambridge: CUP, pp. 57-70.
Palmer, D. J [ed.] (1984)
Comedy: Developments in Criticism
, London: Macmillan.
Williford
, Christa (2006)
Playhouses of 17th-Century Paris
,
http://people.brynmawr.edu/cwillifo/pscp/index.htm