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Why Re-examine the Role of Culture in Poverty?To debunk existing myths Why Re-examine the Role of Culture in Poverty?To debunk existing myths

Why Re-examine the Role of Culture in Poverty?To debunk existing myths - PDF document

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Why Re-examine the Role of Culture in Poverty?To debunk existing myths - PPT Presentation

Gerald R Ford School of Public Policy University of Michigan21 June 2010Policy BriefThe National Poverty Center146s Policy Brief series summarizes key academic research ndings highlighting im ID: 151113

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Why Re-examine the Role of Culture in Poverty?To debunk existing myths about the cultural orientations of the poor.Developingcompleteunderstandingoftheconditionsthatproduceandsustainpovertyrequiresanalyzingempiricallyhowthepoormakesenseofandexplaintheircurrentsituations,options,anddecisions,andwhattheydotoimprovetheirownprospectsandthoseoftheirchildren.�eauthors Gerald R. Ford School of Public Policy, University of Michigan#21, June 2010Policy BriefThe National Poverty Center’s Policy Brief series summarizes key academic research ndings, highlighting implications for policy.The NPC encourages the dissemination of this publication and grants full reproduction right to any party so long as proper credit www.npc.umich.edu 2 hasconceivedofcultureinsubstantiallydi�erentways.Ittypicallyrejectstheideathatwhetherpeoplearepoorcanbeexplainedbytheirvaluesandquestionstheutilityoftheolddistinctionbetween“culture”and“structure.”Itgenerallydoesnotde�necultureascomprehensivelyasLewisdid,insteaddistinguishingvaluesfromperceptions,andattitudesfrombehavior.Itsetsasidetheideasthatmostmembersofgroupornationshare“aculture”orthatgroup’scultureismoreorlesscoherentorinternallyconsistent.Itsconceptionsofculturetendtobemorenarrowlyde�ned,easiertomeasure,andmoreplausiblyfalsi�able.�eobjectiveofrecentlypublishedvolumeoftheAnnals of the American Academy of Political and Social Scienceistodemonstratethatthetheoreticallyinformedandempiricallygroundedstudyofculturecanandshouldbepartofthepovertyresearchagenda.Intheirintroduction,Small,HardingandLamontdescribesevenculturalconceptsnowwidelyusedbyscholars—values,frames,repertoires,narratives,symbolicboundaries,culturalcapital,andinstitutions.�eseconceptsareemployedinthevolume’sessaystoillustratethevalueofunderstandingtheculturalperspectivesofbothindividualslivinginpovertyandthepolicyeliteswhomakepovertypolicy.Culture and the Experience of PovertyPersistentblackjoblessnesshaslongbeencorecauseofpoverty.InherexaminationofhowHispanicandblackblue-collarworkersdecidewhetherornottohelpco-ethnicsintheirsearchforjobs,Sandra Susan Smith�ndsthatbothgroupsapplyplausiblecriteriainjudgingwhethertohelpfriends,family,andneighbors�ndjobsandinjudgingwhethertheirsupportmaytarnishtheirownreputationsintheworkplace.Smithconcludesthat,becauseofdi�erencesinperceptionsregardingjoblessnessbetweenblackandHispaniccommunities,theremaybegreaterreluctanceonthepartofblackworkerstoprovidesupport.Becauseoftheimportanceofsocialnetworksin�ndingjob,thisreluctanceshouldbeviewed,alongwithotherfactors,aspartofthereasonwhypersistentblackjoblessnesshasbeensodi�culttomitigate.YoungAfrican-Americanmenareathighriskofunemploymentandpoverty.HowyoungunemployedAfrican-AmericanunderstandwhatmakesforgoodjobisthefocusofAlford A. Young’scontribution.Youngconcludesthatyoungmenexhibiteddiverseperspectivesinframingtheattributesofanidealjob.Somefocusedonwagesandbene�ts,whileothersfocusedonfeaturesoftheworkitself,suchasautonomyandcreativity.Boththeextentoftheirpriorworkexperienceandtheirpostsecondaryeducationalexperiencecontributedtothesevariationsinhowtheycharacterizedgoodjob.Heconcludesthatgreaterattentiontosuchvariation,ratherthanattemptstobroadlycharacterizegroup’sculture,canhelpusbetterunderstandtheworkorientationoflow-incomepeople.Educationisprovenpathwayoutofpoverty,butwhydosomechildrenachievethisgoalwhileothersdonot Stephen Vaiseyinvestigatestheroleof“ideals”and“expectations”ineducationalsuccess.Low-incomeyoungpeople,he�nds,haveloweridealsforhighereducationattainmentthannon-poorrespondentsandalsohavelowerexpectationsforwhattheywillactuallyattain.Stressingtheimportanceofthisconnection,heconcludesthatscholarsneedtointegratevaluesintotheirresearchandtoworktounderstandthesocialandculturalsourcesofdi�erencesinvaluesandmotivations.Childsupportandresponsibleparenthoodhavelongbeenimportantpolicytopics.YetasMaureen Wallerpointsout,policythinkinghasbeenlargelydominatedbyeconomicconsiderationssuchassupportpaymentsandhasnotincorporatedperceptionsoftheparentsthemselvesaboutindicatorsofgoodparentalinvolvement.Drawingoninterviewswithpoormothersandfathers,sheidenti�esnon-economicfactorsthatparents�ndimportantinthefather’srole:caregiving,spendingtime,rolemodeling,andmaterialsupport.Financialsupport,thoughimportant,didnotovershadownon-economicfactors,andparentsoftenviewinformal�nancialsupportassignalinggreatercommitmentfromfathersthancoercedformalchildsupportpayments.�elatterwereoftenviewedaspotentiallydamagingtotherelationshipbetweenthefatherandchild.Incorporationoftheseculturalperspectives,Wallerconcludes,willstrengthenpublicchildsupportandparenthoodpolicies.Povertyismorecommonamongsingle-motherhouseholds.�eprevailingviewthatunwedpregnancyintheinnercitystemsfrommen’sunwillingnesstocommittolong-termmonogamousrelationshipsischallengedbyNathan Fosseinhisstudyoflow-incomeAfrican-Americanmen.Hearguesthatthree“culturallogics”underlieattitudestowardfaithfulnessandnon-monogamy:doubt(thebeliefthatone’spartnermayalsobecheating);duty(obligationstomalepeers,family,orpartners);anddestiny(“lifeisshort”justi�cationsforcheatingvs.futureorientationmonogamy).Hestresses,though,thatnoneoftheselogicsproducesclear-cutcoursesofaction.Hisanalysisshowsthatinner-citycultureisfar-moreheterogeneousthantraditionallythought. NPC Policy Brief #21 3 Culture and PolicymakingCanpoliticalinstitutionsincreasethevoiceofthepoorinpolicymaking Vijayendra RaoandParomita Sanyal examinepublicpolicyimplementedthroughoutIndia.“Gramsabhas,”localpublicforumsinsometwomilliontownsandvillages,represent“publicsphere”whereIndiansofallincomelevelsmeettodiscussissuesoflocalimportance.�eyfoundthatwhiletheforumsdidindeedprovideopportunityforparticipation,theproceedingstendedtobedominatedbycompetitiveratherthandeliberativeinteractions,andthatclassdistinctionswereregularlyinvoked.Yettheyalsofoundthatthegramsabhashelpedtocreatenew“politicalculture”thato�erspoorpeopleavenuesforengagingothersandquestioningdecisionsandthathelptocreatevoicefortheneedsofIndia’spoorestcitizens.Howdotheculturallensesthroughwhichpolicyelitesviewpovertya�ectpolicymaking Joshua Guetzkowcomparestwodi�erentconceptionsofantipovertypolicyfromtwoperiodsintheUnitedStates.IntheGreatSocietyperiod(1964-1968),policyeliteslargelydiagnosedtherootcausesofpovertyas“communitybreakdown:”poorhealth,lackofeducationandjobskills,discrimination,urbanslums,andinadequatehealthcare.Inthisconception,poorpeoplethemselveswerelargelyheldtobeblamelessvictims“trapped”inpoorneighborhoods.Publicpolicystressingincomesupports,jobtrainingandincentivesforworkingwereimplemented.Bytheearly1980s,however,thediagnosisofpolicyeliteshadshiftedandfamilybreakdown(teenpregnancy,drugabuse,lackofmainstreamvalues)aswellasdependenceonpublicsupportsystemsconstitutedthediagnosticframe.�isledtomorerestrictivewelfarepoliciesculminatinginthe1996welfarereformlegislation,whichemphasizedworkrequirementsandself-su�ciency.Guetzkowconcludesthatthepolicyframesofthesedi�erentsetsofpolicyelitescontributedtotheshiftinpolicytowardmorepunitiveandlessgenerousstancetowardthepoor.Culture, Poverty and Effective Social Policy�eimportanceofbothcultureandstructuralfactorsinunderstandingpovertyisthecentralthesisofWilliam Julius Wilson’schapter.Whilebothcultureandstructurematter,itisthestructuralimpedimentsthathavethelargestnegativee�ectsonblackinner-cityneighborhoods.signi�cantpolicychallenge,heargues,isthatdespitethesigni�cante�ectsofstructuralfactorsinprolonginginner-citypoverty,mostAmericansbelievethatthecausesarerootedinthepersonalbehaviorsofthepoor.Wilsonarguesthatholisticapproach,onethatappreciatesboththestructuralchallengesandtheculturaldynamics,hasgreatestpotentialtoaddressdeep-rootedpovertyproblems.HediscussesthepotentialoftheHarlemChildren’sZoneasanexemplarofthisapproach.Whatlessonsshouldpolicymakerstakefromthisvolume RepresentativeLynn Woolseystressestheneedforlegislatorstoconstantlyreexaminetheassumptionstheyuseinframingproblems,andtobeawareofsocietalchangesthatmaketheirassumptionsobsolete.ShecitestheshiftingnatureoftheAmericanfamilytowardtwo-workerfamilies,andthewaysthesechangeshavea�ectedeconomicandsocialdynamicsforfamilies.Shearguesthatpoliciesthatsupportmodernfamiliesareessential.RepresentativeRaúl Grijalva arguesthatpovertyisfarmorecomplicatedand“insidious”thanpolicymakersoftenbelieve.Expandingperspectivesonthecausesandconsequencesofpovertyisessentialifappropriatesolutionsaretobeenvisionedandcarriedout.Funding from the Ford Foundation and institutional support from the National Opinion Research Center at the University of Chicago and the Department of Sociology at Harvard University are gratefully acknowledged. Findings from this volume were presented at a policy brieng on Capitol Hill on May , .Major funding for the National Poverty Center is provided by the Ofce of the Assistant Secretary for Planning and Evaluation, U.S. Department of Health and Human Services.NationalPovertyCenterGeraldR.FordSchoolofPublicPolicyUniversityofMichigan735S.StateStreetAnnArbor,MI48109-3091734-615-5312npcinfo@umich.eduLewis,Oscar.1966.1. La Vida: A Puerto Rican Family in the Culture of Poverty—San Juan and New York.NewYork:RandomHouse.Moynihan,DanielP.1965.2. e Negro family: e case for national action.Washington,DC:O�ceofPolicyPlanningandResearch,U.S.DepartmentofLabor.