wwwfolkloreeefolklorevol21ates is different Some words are easily remembered and elicited ID: 103487
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www.folklore.ee/folklore/vol21laskugem emotsioonidesse! Lets not descend to emotions! (emo-tions are something to descend to and it would be better not to dotions are something to descend to and it would be better not to do emotionscould close in above your head). If there was an emotional conver-sation between the boss and the employee, it rather meant callingnames than expressing warm feelings. It seems that if the positiveor negative mark of an emotion has not been pointed out explicitly,the default connotation and evaluation is negative.So it must be admitted that in Estonian folk psychology the cat-egory of emotion is vague rather than delimited, in addition it seemslanguage is invariable in time, there are changes in the conceptsand beliefs of folk psychology, too. To get a better overview of whatthe categories of emotion of Estonians is like at the beginning ofthe 21st century, I decided to conduct an empirical study of emotionvocabulary (Vainik 2001).STARTING POINTSThe ideological basis for this approach originates from the linguis-tic relativity hypothesis (Whorf 1956): ones native language withits concepts influences and shapes the way how the world is seenand interpreted. This hypothesis leads to at least two substantialconclusions one at the individual and the other at the collectivelevel. For an individual it is important that linguistic competencesignificantly determines how he/she manages socially and emotion-ally. On the level of the society the conclusion is that through lan-guage research information about the culture and the people whocarry it can be obtained. A major role is played by concepts whichhave formed in the culture and crystallised in the language, and bymeans of which information is conveyed.a specific field form a body of universal knowledge about this field,which is common to the majority of speakers of this language. Fortions and differentiate the nuances and intensity or duration levelsplays a significant role in how emotions are popularly treated by www.folklore.ee/folklore/vol21ates is different. Some words are easily remembered and elicited they are in active use. Others are in passive use one knows thatsuch words and concepts exist, but it is more difficult to use them.Our daily life and how we succeed is more dependent on the wordsand concepts that are in active use, always at hand. The choice ofemotion words that are in active use and easily available for a cer-tain group of people, e.g. speakers of the Estonian language, showswhich concepts are important for and frequently used by the spe-cific group at a specific time. Consequently, by studying the avail-able emotion vocabulary of Estonians we can get an idea whichemotions are important for Estonians, which is their level of cogni-zance and how organised is a common persons view of the so-calledinternal world, i.e. what does an average Estonians map of emo-It is said that the concepts of a field of study, actually all concepts,and the words that represent them are not chaotically located in apersons head on the contrary, they are located in quite a system-atic way which facilitates classification (Viberg 1994: 170171). Ifthis statement is true, it should be easy for people for instance inthe tasks of free listing to leaf through their systematic cata-logues and present words by categories. On the basis of this pre- in the course of oral interviews one hundred people ofdifferent sex, age and educational background were asked to make The linguistic material collectedas a result of the interviews was sequenced according to frequencyand the position of naming; the form and meaning of recurringphrases was analysed (Vainik 2001).was nearly five thousand and they were not directly emotion termsonly. As the people were not to feel restricted during the experi-ments they were encouraged to mention anything they could re-member in connection with emotions in random order (similarly tothe free associations method used in psychoanalysis) a large partof the total corpus of this vocabulary is made up of peoples indi- www.folklore.ee/folklore/vol21vidual associations with emotions (for example cosmos, cow, vio-let etc). The recurring part of the vocabulary (3+n times), however,borders in the consciousness of Estonians, how the area of emo-tions is structured, which concepts belong to the basic level andwhich are the prototypical emotions of Estonians. But it also showedwhich emotions are not willingly acknowledged by Estonians or evenPOSITION OF FOLK CATEGORY OF EMOTION INESTONIANS COLLECTIVE CONSCIOUSNESSThe semantic space of a language, which could also be called thedomain or at least an independent natural category is also made upof emotion-related cognitive knowledge and experiences, which haveOn the basis of the results of this empirical study it is possible tooutline which are the principal and prototypical representatives ofthe Estonians field of emotions and which are peripheral, stayingin the zone where the field of emotions borders on and intersectsother cognitive domains. Naturally, it is not presumed that the fieldsare separated from each other by inflexible borders.According to the semantic grouping of the words and concepts thatemerged repeatedly (3+n times) it can be concluded that in the col-in the intersection of three cognitive domains the subjective physi-cal space, the social space and the intrapsychic space. Figure 1schematises these three main cognitive domains and the letter EEach natural category has its centre and periphery. The most fre-quently and first mentioned words in the tasks of free listing areof emotions in the Estonian language. These words are in corre- www.folklore.ee/folklore/vol21Diagram 1. Cognitive salience indices in the task of free listing of emotionterms. The total salience of the first four members of the folk category of emotiontask of free listing, which means that the objects on the basic level of thiscategory cover 44 per cent of the collective emotional consciousness of Estonians.The remaining 56 per cent of the collective emotional consciousness was dividedamong 54 words. Such division expressly shows that in Estonians commonlevel the folk category of emotion is diffusive. For a more detailed analysis ofthe cognitve salience of emotion terms and concept in the Estonian language seeVainik 2002.2001: 299300): S=F/(N mP), in which S is the cognitive salience index, F frequency of the word in the list, N total number of interviewees, mP themP=(SRj)/F, in which Rj is the position of the word in an individual list). www.folklore.ee/folklore/vol21 the basic level emotion concepts as the most prototypi- and cognitive salience of which appeared to be the highest. The index ofcognitive salience shows the relation of the frequency and the aver-zero, it means that this word occurred to few people and even inthat case, not among the first. Differences in the value of the cogni-tive salience index of members of the same category show how cen-tral and representative the concepts are from the aspect of the gen-eral meaning of the category. The difference between the basic termsthe decreasing line of indices. This is graphically shown in Dia-CORE OF THE CATEGORY BASIC TERMS OFViha and , turnedout to be the basic emotion terms in the Estonian language. Theof the category in the consciousness of Estonians. These conceptsare also connected with the physical, social and intrapsychic space,Figure 1. Position of emotion category in the collective consciousness ofEstonians. PHYSICAL SOCIAL SPACE SPACE INTRAPSYCHIC SPACE www.folklore.ee/folklore/vol211976). Namely, these emotions have a specific and recognisable ex-ternal form the facial expression that mediates the internal stateand functions as a means of communication. As regards the exter-nal form, the prototypical emotions can be connected with the physi-ness is prototypically related with crying, joy with laughter, angerA characteristic feature of a prototypical basic emotion concept isversa. The basic emotion terms form pairs: anger (negative) love sadness (negative). Maybe love, theemotion without facial expression, belongs among the basic emo-the category of emotion bipolarity, division between the good and can also be detected with emotion terms that positionfurther from the basic level. This is not typical to Estonians only,This semantic universal becomes most intensive as it moves in theconcept hierarchy upward from the basic level, towards generalisa- (Allik 1997). Even people who had difficulties with namingemotion words or cognizing emotions, agreed at least to the divi-sion of emotions into positive and negative ones. Yet, they couldwell, all those good ones or . In one task of free listing the informants also had a taskion there were no such emotions, yet some could be pointed outemerged that cannot be classified as good or bad, e.g. silent, seri-ousness, reflective, usual, normal, calm. These concepts are evi-dently related to emotion category through the reference to thelack of emotion in a situation it could be present. www.folklore.ee/folklore/vol21It is said to be a general tendency that languages have more wordspositive emotions are used more frequently (Allik 1997). The abun-dance of negative emotion words is explained with the struggle forexistence, which in the course of time has forced people to developIn the tasks of free listings informants were eager to mention posi-tive emotions, the overall frequency and variety of which appearedto be relatively higher. Among the more frequently mentioned words(3+n times) that represent the national consensus of the emotioncategory, strangely, there was an equal number of both positive andneutral emotion words is illustrated in Diagram 2.Partially, the significant semantic polarity of emotion vocabulary the tendency to distin-guish and find names primarily for the phenomena that differ from this was expressed mainly innaming the emotion words in antonymic pairs (e.g. ). Yet, Estonians treat-ment of emotions cannot be regarded as totally black and white:the principle of the weakest contrast was also reflected in the ex- the tendency to name synonymic or semantically closewords side by side (e.g. positivenegativeneutral overall frequency variety consensus Diagram 2. The number of differen-free listing subcategories. www.folklore.ee/folklore/vol21 kurbus sadness nutt crying and armastus lovesymmetrical antonymic relations. Additionally, the following asym- vihkamine and joy. The relative strength ofantonymic relations in comparison with the strongest relation kurbus sadness) is shown on Figure 2. Bold arrowsthe dashed arrows indicate asymmetrical relations. While all thebasic concepts are somehow related, crying and laughter, the be-havioural expressions of the basic emotions form a separate au-tonomous opposition. Yet the respondents were most unanimous inthis respect the only deviation was that were twice givengreater than agreement in specific antonyms. It seemed that it wasthe emotion concepts rather than specific emotion words that wereopposed in the consciousness of the informants. The concepts could, etc. One factor that could ex-plain the incongruity of opposite words is the individualrelationship with this emotion or the lack of such relationship. Forexample, while for one person the lack of love means hatred, forFigure 2. The strongest antonymic relations. www.folklore.ee/folklore/vol21another it may mean loneliness, indifference or jealousy. In thiscase the opposite word to the basic emotion term was found amongthe prototypical basic concepts, for example concepts that distin-�guish feelings on the basis of duration or intenseness: love pas-sion,� sadness distress,� hate fit of rage,� joy ecstasy. While thebasic terms are monolexical native words that can be used in anycontext, the non-basic words are characterised by the specific con-text of use: for example foreign words are primarily used in theprofessional terminology of psychologists (e.g. to scold). On this level there are alsocompound nouns (, literally: ). In addition to primary emotion terms the emotion is referred to bymeans of the quality (e.g. ), or the name of the proc-The specific concepts of non-basic emotions include both the va-them with basic emotions. For example, hate is related to displeas-ure, evil, scold, spiteful, vehemence, strictness, irritation,irritatedness, resentment, hostility and aggressiveness; sadness todistress, despair, worry, sorrow, unhappiness, anxiety, depression,self-pity, bad mood, grief and melancholy; joy to good mood, intensejoy, enjoyment, euphory and ecstasy; love to falling in love, fond-ness, passion, warmth and tenderness.showed either great diffuseness or were rarely existent at all. At www.folklore.ee/folklore/vol21the same time the belief in the existence of opposites was great, aswas the eagerness of people to invent them. The informants haddifferent strategies for finding the specific opposite word, one ofthem was opposing the emotion to the lack of it, using purely for- unhap- or misfortune, but also *mittevalu *non-fear(e.g. rage indifference, envy indifference, love indifference).Another strategy was naming the extreme opposite emotion (orquality or state) (e.g. pain pleasure, fear courage, rage intoxi-cation with joy, envy altruism).More than the specific words the emotion concepts or personal im-Yet further from the centre of this category are emotion conceptsthat are less similar to prototypical emotions (hate, love, joy andmain domains physical, social or intrapsychic space. In the mean-ing of these words their negative or positive valence to some de-gree outweighs their specific emotional meaning. For instance it iseasier to decide that envy is bad and friendship is good than whetherthey are emotions at all. Maybe envy is a personality trait instead a social phenomenon like a human relation?emotions is confirmed by the knowledge and experience of the sizeof the bodies, their movement, temperature, comprehension of theircausality etc that are gained by means of sensory abilities. Theemotions (e.g. crying, shouting, laughter, cheers), the sense of con-tact mediates subjective experience (e.g. pain, suffering, lightness),cal evaluations of emotions (e.g. cold, warmth in the case of de- www.folklore.ee/folklore/vol21The social space involves interpersonal relationships. This field com-prises knowledge and experience gained from communicating withother people, for example the acceptance of social behavioural knowledge about accepted and disapproved behaviour andqualities. Lots of words emerged in this semantic group, which showsthat the domain of social space is very important for Estonians andit is therefore well subdivided. Division into the good and the badthe relationships between them. On this basis the following groupsThe good feelings of good people towards good people are friend-ship, liking, partiality, longing, helping, sympathising, sense of duty,considerateness, trust, respect, pride. The bad feelings of good peo-ple to good people are envy and jealousy. The good feelings of goodpeople towards bad people are understanding, indulgence, sympa-thy, empathy, forgiveness, tolerance. The bad feelings of good peo-ple towards bad people are offence, indignation, disappointment,disdain. Bad people seem to be devoid of good feelings. The badSimilarly to the good qualities that favour communica- friendliness, kindness, sincerity, cordiality, benevolence, dili-gence, openness, gentleness, tolerance, sympathy, attentiveness and the negative human qualities that hinder communi- stupidity, vanity, narrow-mindedness, maliciousness, greedi- are related with the interpersonal space andThe internal space is formed of awareness and experience of intra-psychic processes. To this field belong the subjective evaluations ofliking and attraction, the subjectively experienced levels of excite-ment and intensity of will. But also awareness of knowledge, memoryand perceptual processes. The words refer refer to the evaluation of attraction. www.folklore.ee/folklore/vol21fer to the lack of attraction. indicated the subjectively expressed low energy level. Vabadus pointed to will and to theweakness of will. The level of decreasing positive excitement is char-acterised by the sequence of words like and the increasing level of negative excitement by the se-quence of words like and . Among the states of mind are the positive ones and and are nega-primarily belong to the three above-mentioned large domains the and are connected with emotioncategory through presupposed causality or associative links. To aconsiderable degree, these words are related to the folk category ofemotion because of their division into positive and negative phe-nomena, which generate positive or negative emotions or help tomanage the negative ones. Apparently such things like the sun,flowers, children and family, as these emerged repeatedly, are asso-ciated with the collective emotion model of the nation. Generallythe individual variation among the associative and causal relationsis high about a third of the mentioned phrases emerged just once. www.folklore.ee/folklore/vol21in Estonian were mentioned in the study. For example, sexuality-related items seemed to be a taboo. Out of interest I compared thevocabulary that emerged in my empirical study with 210 words from, which has earlier been used to study the emo-tion vocabulary of Estonians (Veski 1996, Allik and Realo 1997).The comparison of the material collected in the empirical studywith the exhaustive emotion scale which has been prepared by ex-perts highlighted the fields that are scarcely represented or notrepresented at all in the collective consciousness of Estonians, orthat have voluntarily been excluded from emotion category. and experts scale overlap is onlyabout a fourth. The differences have clear tendencies: the laymansscale consistently lacked word groups referring to certain feelings.Words indicating to positive satiety of energy or will present in ex-word form in Estonian follows the PONESK-X survey list): vahvalt. Rarely such words were mentioned that denotethe expression of anger in aggressive behaviour (e.g. ). The concept ofthe different grades of fear were not numerous, e.g. panicky were missing.Wordsthat refer to the feeling of inferiority were abundantly representedin the expert scale, but nearly inexistent in the laymans scale.Missing were terms of social inferiority terms (e.g. www.folklore.ee/folklore/vol21), situational inferiority (e.g. cognized feelings that Estonians either do not know, donot remember, do not want to remember or do not want to thinkand talk about. Or maybe there simply are no appropriate wordsthat would belong to the folk category of emotion even peripher-Certain subjects, however, were clearly overrepresented in the scale. The folk category of emotion seems to be inter-twined with popular system of values that also operates with plus-minus evaluations. The majority of words that were not included in list referred to concepts of social space, which presentedideal, recommended qualities, feelings and phenomena (e.g. ). As a counterbalance, anti-ideal, so-cially undesirable feelings, personality traits and phenomena were www.folklore.ee/folklore/vol21Social norms and magic thinking seem to rule in Estonians folkcategory of emotion. Words that refer to social inability (social andsituational inferiority) or deviation from the norm (mental inferior-valued. The default norm accepted among Estonians does not in-Estonian saying, excessive eagerness is idiocy. folk category of emotion in a multi-vocabulary. The following facts should be noted: The basic level is compact and cognitively most salient. It is divded The category is divided into the positive and the negative, the Folk emotion category is remarkably rich in social feelings, phe-nomena and personality traits. Certain semantic groups are missing in the collective emotioncategory.The regularity can be inferred that in Estonian folk psychology whenthe essence of the emotion is not precisely brought forth, the nega-tive meaning and evaluation is attributed first. This inference isexplained by the fact that for Estonians the most prototypical, best-remembered and least marked member of the emotion categoryappered to be anger. www.folklore.ee/folklore/vol21Anger enjoys the privilege of representing a whole folk emotioncategory in Estonians collective consciousness. On Diagram 1 the differs from other basic emotion terms nearly asmuch as the basic terms from non-basic terms. Therefore, the sta-tus of anger is special in Estonians treatment of emotions. Thenegative aura that surrounds anger casts shadows on the categoryof emotion as a whole and this is characteristic not only to Estoni- appeared to be the most it was also the most frequently namedalso correlates to its formal simplicity and multiplicity of meanings and tion existed only with the word I would draw the conclu-sion that in the consciousness of Estonians anger has two interre-The first and primary meaning is the opposite of love and clearly asocial feeling related to a human object. In this meaning the syno- is in thisfirst meaning is understood as a continuous, active process con-cerning the subject. The other meaning is the opposite of and in this meaning the passive state of the subject is stressed. Thesynonym of viha in this second meaning could be or which can but does not have be related with a human object. Supposedly, in this meaninganger is understood as momentary rather than continuous, simi-larly to the antonymous joy.Nowadays the primary meaning of is its active and social mean-ing but not necessarily in the language history. The word origi-nally marked a phenomenon of another cognitive area, namely thedomain of taste perception as the original meaning of this word was. It can be concluded on this basis that historically the pri-mary meaning was just the one of state or quality was firstnoticed and named as a bitter feeling rather than a social atti-tude. Even today the word viha has preserved this meaning, but itcan hardly be associated with emotions in folk consciousness. www.folklore.ee/folklore/vol21LAYMANS VS. EXPERTS MODEL OF EMOTIONSAs the results of the tasks of free listings showed, anger, love, joyand sadness belong to the basic level in Estonians folk emotioncategory. In the science of psychology there is debate over whichemotions are basic and whether they can be listed at all (Allik 1997).For practical reasons, however, applied psychology considers six basic anger, joy, sadness, fear, surprise, disgust they aremore or less associated with culturally universal facial expressions opinion of basic emotions coincides with the expert opin-ion in terms of anger, joy and sadness. The fact that these emotionsis supported by the frequency of naming words that appoint to theprototypical behavioural expressions of these emotions (e.g. crying,laughter, rage). Estonians seem to focus on behavioural expressionsrather than facial expressions (smile was mentioned only in onecase out of five thousand!). Differently from experts, Estonians alsoregard love as an emotion. and doexist in the consciousness of Estonians but they are not as usual and. Fear, surprise and disgust, classified by psycholo-gists as basic emotions on the basis of facial expressions, do notcause these concepts cannot be used to form antonymous pairs.Evidently also fear, disgust and surprise are feelings that are expe-rienced only in specific situations and in connection with stimuli ofspecific type -fear in connection with danger, disgust mainly in con-Estonians cannot think of their emotions inany other way than of positive and negative emotions, whereas thesedimensions do not contrast, but are mutually associated in every Estonians reallytend to think of emotions only as positive or negative ones. In terms www.folklore.ee/folklore/vol21tiveness are independent, mutually non-opposing dimensions, opinion diverges from that of experts. The fact that posi-tive and negative emotions are carried in the brain by differentsubstrates does not seem to stop Estonians from regarding emo-tions as diametrical in their conceptual system of emotions.The belief emotions can be set in opposition divided into good is firmly fixed in the conscious-ness of Estonians. People probably do not understand the positive-ness or negativeness of emotions in the same way. Depending oncircumstances, it may have different content. For instance, emo-otypes, or proceeding from personal views that contradicted thegeneral stereotypical attitudes, e.g. some people classified anger,rage and sadness as positive, one out of a hundred considered joy toThe division of human experience into positive and negative is athan just emotions. Indeed, even in this study not only emotions,but qualities, behaviour, objects, etc. were included in both catego-ries. The question remains whether the plus-minus evaluation pri-marily represents cultural norms and ethical values (e.g. knowl- e.g. meta-emotions i.e. evalua-tion of emotion as a phenomenon on the basis of personal useful-It is stated that emotion knowledge is divided into two levels (Planalpand Fitness 1999). The first-level preverbal emotion knowledge regu-course of evolution (attack escape, dangerous safe, attractive painful). The socially acquired second-levelemotion knowledge is influenced by language and cultural scripts.Emotion vocabulary and emotion concepts belong among the sec-ond-level emotion knowledge, being tools in the process of cogniz-ing emotions. Yet it seems that also first-level emotion knowledge www.folklore.ee/folklore/vol21even preconceptual image that corresponds to a subconscious evalu-ation mechanism, like a kinaesthetic image-schema that is basedon bodily experience (approach retreat). This dualistic first-levelemotion knowledge in the form of kinaesthetic image-schema isincluded in the emotion vocabulary as general and individually foreach meaning of an emotion term and it corresponds to the plus-minus valence of the emotion.In general it can be stated that while from the experts point of viewthe category of emotions and basic emotions are primarily associ-ated with facial expressions and the process of physiological experi-ence of emotion, for an Estonian layperson emotions are social con-structs that are mainly connected with interpersonal relationshipsand communication. In the experts opinion emotions belong to in-dividual psychological phenomena, in laymans opinion as itemerged from this study of emotion vocabulary they rather be-long to the sphere of social psychology.I would not dare to compare the opinions as to which one is morecorrect or which one describes the nature and scale of emotionsbetter. I can only say that in some parts they overlap and in othersthey do not. For the scientists it is important to match their treat-ment with the data of modern neurology, experimental provabilityof results and verifiability of statements. For people it is importantto match with each other, keep the good and the evil apart andIt is not surprising that the category of emotions is located in thesubjectively cognized intersection of the physical, social and intra-psychic inner space: emotion a process subjectively perceived by has its external physical expressions (expressivebehaviour, facial expression, changes in the tone of voice), which incommunicative process function as markers of the personor emotional condition. It is characteristic to all the three cognitiveity traits, phenomena, activities are divided into the good ones and www.folklore.ee/folklore/vol21However, the ways in which the category of emotions exists in therangement of this area does not seem to be uniform in the con-sciousness of all Estonians. Overlaps in the emotion categories ofdifferent individuals are on the level of concepts rather than words.Within this empirical study no ready-made order in the concepts orbe discerned in the consciousness of language users. The internalsystematic order of the cognitive domains does not emerge in thecollective consciousness by itself, quite the contrary, it comes intobeing as a result of research study, analysis and a systematisationIt seems that even though every user of the language knows the indaily life, faced with actual emotion experience, there is no use forhim/her of the hypothetical collective structuredness of this area.In my opinion an average person does not know which emotionknowledge is located in which , he/she mainly uses what isat hand. But the handy ones are the tools that are most frequently primarily the basic-level concepts. An average Estonianknows that more precise and accurate words to denote emotionalnuances do exist, but as these concepts are not topical on the dailyin dust in the locker of con- behind and under everyday things. This empirical study,conducted using the field method, does not by far reveal the entireAn average Estonian does not usually seem to carry the map ofemotion landscape with him/her (and what is the use of a map withblank spots). Yet he/she does have a compass that shows the goodand the bad, and awareness of the main cardinal points of emo- anger, love, joy and sadness.PRAISE ON LATVIANSBy ironically calling Estonians to the characteristic feature of Estonians, but to something Estoni- www.folklore.ee/folklore/vol21ans are typically lacking facial expressions of emotions. For Esto-nians emotions are not primarily associated with facial, but withbehavioural expressions and social relationships. The emotional lifeof Estonians belongs not so much to themselves as to the society, towhich a higher status has been attributed than to individual values,tions makes people vulnerable and can be interpreted as an expres-sion of inferiorty. Estonians hide their emotions probably for safetyLatvians seem to surmise that Estonians have emotions they donot want to express, moreover, they have emotions they do notwant even to accept. Social orientation and protective barriers al-low Estonians to handle socially acceptable or ideal emotions onlyand deplore the anti-ideal ones. Psychoanalysts would say that keep-ing up such social defense mechanisms absorbs psychic energy, why else the words indicating abun-dant energy and enthusiasm were missing in Estonians vocabu-lary. The Baltic Germans who lived here over centuries have alsoreproached Estonians for being unenergetic and lazy.Latvians seem to be a smart nation: they have understood thatbehind their reticence, Estonians most prototypical emotion is an-ger, which burns slowly, smouldering like coals. Estonians tend todirect their rancour inwards, not outwards, treating their neigh-bours with pretended friendliness or passive aggression.In case this picture appears too pessimistic, may it be a comfort tomost likely projected onto one I would like to express my gratitude to Urmas Sutrop, Kristiina Ross and In addition to the emotion terms , the crystallised folk psychology is also www.folklore.ee/folklore/vol21 The field method originates from Berlin and Kay There were a total of seven tasks of listing emotion terms. The more Somewhat surprisingly, love the emotion without a facial expression treatment of emotions; evidently -tu is a suffix reffering to missing quality or thing, -s is a suffix deriving PONESK-X a scale for measuring positive and negative emotions, theresults of Veski and Allik are based on it (Veski 1996, Allik 1997).PONESK-X is the Estonian variant of the PANAS-X scale created by Watson Psychoanalysts say that psychic energy is absorbed and engaged by the Karl Ernst von Baer writes in his doctoral thesis (Baer 1976: 30).Allik, J. 1997. Eesti keele emotsioone vljendava snavara thendus.hholoogia lihtsusest. [The Simplicity of Psychology] Tartu: Tartu www.folklore.ee/folklore/vol21Allik, J. & Realo, A. 1997. Emotional Experience and its Relation tothe Five-Factor Model in Estonian. Journal of Personality. Vol. 65, No. 3,Baer, K. E. v. 1976. Eestlaste endeemilistest haigustest. [On the endemic. Tallinn: Perioodika.Berlin, B. & Kay, P. 1969. Basic Color Terms: Their Universality andEkman, P. 1982. Emotions in Human Face. (2nd ed.) New York: 14: 141. London: Hogarthin Human Feeling. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Langacker, R. 1987. Foundations of Cognitive Grammar. Vol. ILazarus, R. S. 1991. Emotion and Adaption. Human Emotions: A Reader.J. M. Jenkins, K. Oatley, & N. L. Stein (eds.)Oxford: Blackwell Publishers,Planalp, S. & Fitness, J. 1999. Thinking/feeling about social andpersonal relationships. Journal of Social and Personal Relationships. Vol.16, No. 6, pp. 731Rosch, E., Mervis C. B., Gray, W. D., Johnson, D. M. & Boyes-Braem, P.1976. Basic objects in natural categories. Cognitive Psychology. 8, pp. 382Stearns, P. N. .1994. American Cool: Constructing a twentieth-century. New York: New York University Press.Sutrop, U. 2000. Basic terms and basic vocabulary. Estonian TypologicalStudies IV. M. Erelt (ed.). Tartu . 14,Sutrop, U. 2001. List task and a cognitive salience index. Field Methods.Dynamic Philology. Cambridge, Mass.: M.I.T. Press.Tulviste, P. 1998. Etnopshholoogiast ja meist. Rektoriraamat. etnopsychology and us. Rectors book.] Tartu: Tartu likooli kirjastus, pp.Vainik, E. 2001. [Emotion vocabulary ofEstonians] MA thesis (manuscript) in the University of Tartu. http://www.eki.ee/teemad/emotsioon/Vainik, E. 2002. Emotions, emotion terms and emotion concepts in anEstonian folk model. Trames No. 4, pp. 322Veski, E. 1996. [Estonian vocabulary describing(manuscript) in the University of Tartu. www.folklore.ee/folklore/vol21Viberg, A. 1994. Vocabularies. Biligualism in Deaf Education.International Studies on Sign Language and Communication of the Deaf.Watson, D. & Clark, L. A. 1994. The PANAS-X Manual for the Positiveand Negative Affect Schedule Expanded Form. Iowa: The University ofBenjamin Lee Whorf. J. B. Carroll (ed.). New York: Wiley. www.folklore.ee/folklore/vol21HOT-BLOODED ESTONIANS.ON ESTONIANS FOLK CATEGORY OFEne VainikLatvians have a teasing phrase for Estonians hot-blooded, whichironically refers to the emotional dullness and inadequate eitherapparent or actual calmness of Estonians. does not aim to compare the ethnopsychology of Esto-nians and Latvians, nor to measure the psychological characteris-tics inherent to the nation of Estonians (Tulviste 1998). It does striveto take a look at the folk psychology of Estonians what is theattitude of Estonians to emotions and how the so-called averageEstonian deals with emotions. By the end of this article it shouldThe term folk psychology is used here to denote the understandingof psychic phenomena on the part of common people. Not the un-derstanding of a single person, but that of the so-called averageperson. Admittedly, folk psychology is connected with the culture infor analysing such phenomena. Similarly to other unsophisticatedtreatments, the terms of folk psychology are not clearly definableor in direct correspondence with the words which are used at ran-dom and in parallel. Thus, Estonian folk psychology does not makea substantial difference between the meanings of the words emotion and feeling. These two words are usedparallel, like numerous other pairs consisting of a foreign and aFor example, the Estonian equivalent of positive emotion soundsmore elegant than the simple good feeling.In modern Estonian folk psychology the word emo-tional tends to be used as an evaluative adjective. For instance, theTa on nii emotsionaalne, temaga ei saa rääkida She is soemotional, theres no point in talking to her is likely to mean that agg ressivenessenergy 41 ! "# $ % $ % & % % agg ressivenessenergy 41 ! "# $ % $ % & % % doi:10.7592/FEJF2002.21.emotions