We believe the field would benefit greatly from such a source and we attempt to offer one here Synchronizing and building upon recent theoretical innovations in the area of race we lend some conceptual clarification to the nature and dynamics of rac ID: 9739
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analyticalclaritytotheconceptofrace,aswellastoitsrelationshipwithethnicityandnationality.Perhapsmoreimportant,alongwithadvancingacleardefinitionofracialdomination,wehaveidentifiedfivefallaciesrecurrentinmanypublicdebatesthatoneshouldavoidwhenthinkingaboutracism.Althoughwebelievethispaperwillprovideguidanceforadvancedscholarsconductingempiricalandtheoreticalworkonrace,wehavecomposeditprimarilywithabroaderaudienceinmind.WHATISRACE?YoudonotcomeintothisworldAfricanorEuropeanorAsian;rather,thisworldcomesintoyou.Asliterallyhundredsofscientistshaveargued,youarenotbornwitharaceinthesamewayyouarebornwithfingers,eyes,andhair.Fingers,eyes,andhairarenaturalcreations,whereasraceisasocialfabricationDuster2003;Graves.Wedefineraceasasymboliccategory,basedonphenotypeorancestryandcon-structedaccordingtospecificsocialandhistoricalcontexts,thatismisrecognizedasanaturalcategoryThisdefinitiondeservestobeunpacked.SymbolicCategoryAsymboliccategorybelongstotherealmofideas,meaning-making,andlanguage.Itissomethingactivelycreatedandrecreatedbyhumanbeingsratherthanpregiven,needingonlytobelabeled.Symboliccategoriesmarkdifferencesbetweengroupedpeopleorthings.Indoingso,theyactuallybringthosepeopleorthingsintoexis-Bourdieu2003.Forexample,thetermNativeAmericanisasymboliccategorythatencompassesallpeoplesindigenoustothelandthatisknown,today,astheUnitedStates.ButthetermNativeAmericandidnotexistbeforenon-NativeAmericanscametotheAmericas.Choctaws,Crows,Iroquois,Hopis,Dakotas,Yaki-mas,Utes,anddozensofotherpeoplebelongingtoindigenoustribesexisted.ThetermNativeAmericanflattensunderonehomogenizingheadingtheimmenselydifferenthistories,languages,traditionalbeliefs,andrichculturalpracticesofthesevarioustribes.Innamingdifferentraces,racialcategoriescreatedifferentraces.Suchinsightsintotheimportanceofthesymbolichavenotalwaysbeenappre-ciated.Consider,forexample,OliverCromwellCoxshypothesisthatracialexploi-tationandraceprejudicedevelopedamongEuropeanswiththeriseofcapitalismandnationalism,andthatbecauseoftheworldwideramificationsofcapitalism,allracialantagonismscanbetracedtothepoliciesandattitudesoftheleadingcapitalistpeople,thehitepeopleofEuropeandNorthAmerica1948,p.322.ThoughfewscholarstodaywouldagreefullywithCoxsreduction,manycontinuetoadvancestructuralistclaims,filteringracialconflictthroughthelogicofclassconflictReich1981,regardingracialformationasapoliticalstrategye.g.,Marx1998,orconcentratingonthelegalconstructionofracialcategoriese.g.,Haney-LópezHelpfulastheyare,structuralistaccountsoftentreatraceassomethinggivenandacceptedthatis,asareallabelthatattachesitselftopeopleorasanimposedcategorythatformsracialidentityMarx1998andtherebyoverlookhowactorscreate,reproduce,andresistsystemsofracialclassification,dynamicsdocumentedinworkssuchasKimberlyDaCostasMakingMultiracials,ThomasGuglielmosWhiteonArrival,JohnJackson,Jr.s,RobinSheriffsDreamingEquality,orJohnHartigan,Jr.sRacialSitu-.PoliticalandlegalracialtaxonomiesdonotnecessarilyalignwithquotidianprocessesofrecognitionandidentificationpracticedbyclassifiedsubjectsMatthewDesmondandMustafaEmirbayerDUBOISREVIEW:SOCIALSCIENCERESEARCHONRACE6:2,2009 Loveman1999.Sincenoinstitution,regardlessofitspower,monopolizesthedefinitionofraceBrubakerandCooper,2000,wemustresistassuminganeasycorrespondencebetweenofficialcategorizationsandthepracticalaccomplish-mentsofracialidentification.PhenotypeorAncestryRacealsoisbasedonphenotypeorancestry.Apersonsphenotypeisherorhisphysicalappearanceandconstitution,includingskeletalstructure,height,hairtex-ture,eyecolor,andskintone.Apersonsancestryisherorhisfamilylineage,whichoftenincludestribal,regional,ornationalaffiliations.Thesymboliccategoryofraceorganizespeopleintoboundedgroupingsbasedontheirphenotype,ancestry,orboth.Itisdifficulttosaywhichmattersmore,phenotypeorancestry,indeterminingracialmembershipintheUnitedStates.Insomesettings,ancestrytrumpspheno-type;inothers,theoppositeistrue.Recentimmigrantsoftenarepigeonholedinoneofthedominantracialcatego-riesbecauseoftheirphenotype;however,manyresistthisclassificationbecauseoftheirancestry.Forinstance,uponarrivingintheUnitedStates,manyfirstgenera-tionWestIndianimmigrants,quitefamiliarwithracismagainstAfricanAmericans,activelyresistthelabelBlack.Despitetheirefforts,manyareconsideredAfricanAmericanbecauseoftheirdarkskinthatis,theylookBlacktotheAmericaneyeThechildrenofWestAfricanimmigrants,manyofwhomaredisconnectedfromtheirparentsancestries,morereadilyacceptthelabelBlackWaters1999.Andmanyindividualswithmixedheritageoftenaretreatedasthoughtheybelongedonlytoonerace.Somepeople,bycontrast,relyontheirphenotypetoformaracialidentity,thoughtheyareoftengroupedinanotherracialcategorybasedontheirancestry.SusieGuilloryPhipps,ablond-hairedblue-eyedwomanwhoalwaysconsideredherselfWhite,discovered,uponglancingatherbirthcertificatewhileapplyingforapassport,thathernativestate,Louisiana,consideredherBlack.ThereasonwasthatLouisianagroupedpeopleintoracialcategoriesaccordingtotheonethirty-secondrule,arulethatstatedthatanyonewhowasonethirty-secondBlackregardlessofwhattheylookedlikewaslegallyBlack.In1982,SusieGuilloryPhippssuedLouisianafortherighttobeWhite.Shelost.ThestategenealogistdiscoveredthatPhippswasthegreat-great-great-great-grandchildofaWhiteAlabamaplanta-tionownerandhisBlackmistressand,thereforealthoughallofPhippssotherances-torswereWhiteshewastobeconsideredBlack.Thisoutlandishlawwasfinallyerasedfromthebooksin1983.Inthiscase,PhippssancestryasidentifiedbythewasmoreimportantindeterminingherracethanherphenotypeDavis1991SocialandHistoricalContextsRacialtaxonomiesareboundtotheirspecificsocialandhistoricalcontexts.TheracialcategoriesthatexistinAmericamaynotexistinotherpartsoftheglobe.InSouthAfrica,racialgroupsareorganizedaroundthreedominantcategories:White,Black,andColoured.Duringapartheid,theColouredcategorywasdesignedtoincludeallmixed-racepeopleSparks2006.Morerecently,theBlackcategoryhasbeenexpandedtoincludeallgroupsoppressedunderapartheid,notonlythoseofAfricanheritagebutalsothoseofIndiandescentandasof2008ChineseSouthAfricans.InBrazil,fiveracialcategoriesareemployedintheofficialcensus:PardoPretoAmarelo,andWhatisRacialDomination?DUBOISREVIEW:SOCIALSCIENCERESEARCHONRACE6:2,2009 However,ineverydayusage,manyBraziliansidentifythemselvesandoneanotherthroughseveralotherracialtermsincludingmorenoothertypeofbrownmorenolightbrownanothertypeofblack,andwhichhavemuchmoretodowiththetintofonesskinthanwithonesancestryStephens1999;Telles.BeforeraciallanguagewasoutlawedbytheCommunistregime,Chineseracialtaxonomieswerebasedfirstandforemostonbloodpurity,thenonhair,thenodor,thenbrainmass,thenfinallyandofleastimportanceskincolor,which,accordingtothetaxonomy,wasdividedintonolessthantenshadesDikötter1992AndinJapan,agroupcalledtheBurakaminisconsideredtobeuncleanandisthoughttoconstituteaseparaterace,althoughitisimpossibletodistinguishsome-onewithBurakaminancestryfromtherestoftheJapanesepopulation1998;Searle-ChatterjeeandSharma,1994Cross-nationalcomparisons,then,revealthatsystemsofracialclassificationvarygreatlyfromonecountrytothenext.Racialcategories,therefore,areboundtocertaingeographicandsocialcontexts.Theyalsoare,changingbetweendifferenthistoricaleras.Asahistoricalproduct,raceisquitenew.Beforethesixteenthcentury,race,asweknowittoday,didnotexist.DuringtheMiddleAges,prejudiceswereformedandwarswagedagainstotherpeople,butthoseotherpeoplewerenotcategorizedorunderstoodaspeopleofotherraces.Insteadofthecolorline,theprimarysocialdivisioninthosetimeswasthatbetweencivilizedanduncivilized.Theracialcategoriessofamiliartousonlybegantocalcifyaroundthebeginningofthenineteenthcentury,ameretwohundredyearsagoGossett1965;Smedley1999.Infact,theword,race,hasaveryrecentorigin;itonlyobtaineditsmodernmeaninginthelateeighteenthcenturyHannaford1996Butracialdominationsurvivesbycoveringitstracks,byerasingitsownhistory.Itencouragesustothinkofthemysticboundariesseparating,say,WestfromEast,WhitefromBlack,BlackfromAsian,orAsianfromHispanic,astimelesssepara-tions,asdivisionsthathavealwaysbeenandwillalwaysbe.Wewouldbewellservedtoremember,withStuartHall,thatwemustgrapplewiththehistoricalspecificityofraceinthemodernworld1980,p.308togainanaccurateunder-standingofracialphenomena.IntheAmericancontext,theIndianwasinventedwithinthecontextofEuropeancolonization,asindigenouspeoplesoftheAmericaswerelumpedtogetherunderonerubrictobekilled,uprooted,andexploited.WhitenessandBlacknesswereinventedasantipodeswithinthecontextofEnglish,andlaterAmerican,slavery.Morethananyotherinstitution,slaverywoulddictatethecareerofAmericanracism:Blacknessbecameassociatedwithbondage,inferi-ority,andsocialdeath;Whitenesswithfreedom,superiority,andlife.TheMexicanAmericanwasinventedwithinthecontextofthecolonizationofMexico.Attheendofthenineteenthcentury,theAsianAmericanwasinventedasaresponsetoimmi-grationfromtheFarEast.Whitenessexpandedduringtheearlyyearsofthetwen-tiethcenturyasnewimmigrantsfromSouthern,Central,andEasternEuropetransformedthemselvesfromlesserWhitesto,simply,Whites.Allthewhile,Whitesupremacywaslegitimatedbyracialdiscoursesinphilosophy,literature,andscience.Bythemiddleofthetwentiethcentury,theracialcategoriessofamiliartoustodaywerefirmlyestablished.AlthoughthesecondhalfofthetwentiethcenturybroughtgreatchangesintherealmofraceincludingtheriseoftheCivilRightsMovementandthefallofJimCrowtheracialcategoriesthatemergedinAmericaovertheprevious300yearsremained,forthemostpart,unchallenged.Americans,Whiteandnon-Whitealike,understoodthemselvesasraced,and,byandlarge,acceptedthedominantracialclassificationeveniftheyrefusedtoacceptthetermsofracialinequality.MatthewDesmondandMustafaEmirbayerDUBOISREVIEW:SOCIALSCIENCERESEARCHONRACE6:2,2009 MisrecognizedasNaturalThelastpartofthedefinitionwehavebeenunpackinghastodowithaprocessofnaturalization.Thiswordsignifiesametamorphosisofsorts,wheresomethingcre-atedbyhumansismistakenassomethingdictatedbynature.Racialcategoriesarenaturalizedwhenthesesymbolicgroupingstheproductsofspecifichistoricalcontextsarewronglyconceivedasnaturalandunchangeable.Wemisrecognizeraceasnaturalwhenwebegintothinkthatracialcleavagesandinequalitiescanbeexplainedbypointingtoattributessomehowinherentintheraceitselfasiftheywerebiologicalinsteadofunderstandinghowsocialpowers,economicforces,polit-icalinstitutions,andculturalpracticeshavebroughtaboutthesedivisions.Naturalizedcategoriesarepowerful;theyarethecategoriesthroughwhichweunderstandtheworldaroundus.Suchcategoriesdividetheworldalongotherwisearbitrarylinesandmakeusbelievethatthereisnothingatallarbitraryaboutsuchadivision.Whatismore,whencategoriesbecomenaturalized,alternativewaysofviewingtheworldbegintoappearmoreandmoreimpossible.Why,wemightask,shouldweonlyhavefivemainracialgroups?Whynotninety-five?Whyshouldwedividepeopleaccordingtotheirskincolor?Whynotbaseracialdivisionsaccordingtofootsize,earshape,teethcolor,armlength,orheight?Whyisancestrysoimportant?WhynotbaseourracialcategoriesonregionsNorth,South,East,andWest?Onemightfindthesesuggestivequestionssilly,and,indeed,theyare.Buttheyarenosillierthantheideathatpeopleshouldbesortedintodifferentracialgroupsaccordingskincolororbloodcomposition.TotwistBourdieusphrase,wemightsay,whenitcomestorace,oneneverdoubtsenough,p.36ThesystemofracialclassificationatworkinAmericatodayisnottheonlysystemimaginable,norisittheonlyonethathasexistedintheyounglifeoftheUnitedStates.Raceisfarfromfixed;rather,itsforms,dependingonthesocial,economic,political,andculturalpressuresoftheday,haveshiftedandfluctuatedinwhimsicalanddrasticwaysovertimeDuster2001.Indeed,todaysmultiracialmovementischallengingAmericasdominantracialcategorieswhichremainedrelativelystableduringthelatterhalfofthetwentiethcenturyaspeopleofmixedheritagearerefusingtoacceptasgiventhestatesracialclassificationsystem.Raceissocialthroughandthrough.Thus,wecanregardraceasa.Itisafictionbecauseithasnonaturalbearing,butitisnonethelesswellfoundedsincemostpeopleinsocietyprovideracewitharealexistenceanddividetheworldthroughthislens.ETHNICITYANDNATIONALITYThecategoriesofethnicityandnationalityareintrinsicallyboundupwithrace.Ethnicityreferstoasharedlifestyleinformedbycultural,historical,religious,andnationalaffiliations.Nationalityisequatedwithcitizenship,membershipinaspecificpoliticallydelineatedterritorycontrolledbyagovernmentcf.Weber1946.Race,ethnicity,andnationalityareoverlappingsymboliccategoriesthatinfluencehowweseetheworldaroundus,howweviewourselves,andhowwedivideusfromthem.Thecategoriesaremutuallyreinforcinginsofaraseachcategoryeducates,upholds,andisinformedbytheothers.ThisiswhythesethreecategoriescannotbeunderstoodinisolationfromoneanotherLoveman1999.Forexample,ifsomeoneidentifiesasethnicallyNorwegian,which,forthem,mightincludeasharedlifestylecomposedofNorwegianhistoryandfolklore,language,culturalritualsandfestivals,andfood,theymayalsoreferenceanationality,basedinthestateofNorway,aswellWhatisRacialDomination?DUBOISREVIEW:SOCIALSCIENCERESEARCHONRACE6:2,2009 asaracialgroup,White,sincenearlyallpeopleofNorwegiandescentwouldbeclassifiedasWhitebyAmericanstandards.Here,ethnicityisinformedbynationalitypastorpresentandsignifiesrace.Ethnicityoftencarvesoutdistinctionsandidentitieswithinracialgroups.TenpeoplecanbeconsideredAsianAmericanaccordingtoourmodernracialtaxonomy;however,thosetenpeoplemighthaveparentsorgrandparentsthatimmigratedtotheUnitedStatesfromtendifferentcountries,includingThailand,Vietnam,Cam-bodia,Singapore,China,SouthKorea,NorthKorea,Japan,Indonesia,andLaos.Theymightspeakdifferentlanguages,upholddifferenttraditions,worshipdifferentdeities,enjoydifferentkindsoffood,andgothroughdifferentexperiences.Whatismore,manyAsiancountrieshavehistoriesofconflictsuchasChinaandJapan,NorthandSouthKorea.Accordingly,wecannotassumethataChineseAmericanandaJapaneseAmericanhavesimilarlifestylesorseetheworldthroughasharedvisionsim-plybecausetheyarebothclassifiedasAsianunderAmericanracialrubrics.fore,justasrace,ethnicity,andnationalitycannotbeseparatedfromoneanother,neithercanallthreecategoriesbecollapsedintoonecf.Brubakeretal.,2004Raceandethnicityaswellasnationalityarebothmarkedandmade.TheyarethroughAmericasracialtaxonomy,aswellasaglobalethnictaxonomy,whichseekstodividetheworldintodistinctcategories.Inthiscase,raceandethnicityimposethemselvesonyou.Theyarethroughamultiplicityofdiffer-entpracticesgestures,sayings,tastes,waysofwalking,religiousconvictions,opin-ions,andsoforth.Inthiscase,youperformraceorethnicity.Ethnicityisaveryfluid,layered,andsituationalconstruct.OnemightfeelveryAmericanwhenvoting,veryIrishwhencelebratingSt.PatricksDay,veryCatholicwhenattendingEastermass,veryNewYorkerwhenridingthesubway,andveryNorthernwhenvisitingarelativeinSouthCarolinaWaters1990.Race,too,canbeperformedtovaryingdegrees.OnemightactveryBlackwhencelebratingKwanzawithrelativesbutmayrepressonesBlacknesswhileinabusinessmeetingwithWhitecolleagues.Raceasperformanceispredicatedonactions,onthethingsonedoesintheworld,onhowonebehaves.AsanthropologistJohnJackson,Jr.notes,YouarenotBlackbecauseyouareinessenceBlack;youareBlack...becauseofhowyouactandnotjustintermsofonefieldofbehaviorsay,intellectualachievementinschoolbecauseofhowyoujuggleandcombinemanydifferentlyracializedandclasswalking,talking,laughing,watchingamovie,standing,emoting,partyinginanevery-daymatrixofperformativepossibilities2001,pp.171,188.Becauseracialdomina-tionattachestoskincolor,adark-skinnedpersoncannevercompletelyescapeitsclutchessimplybyactingnotBlack.Butthatpersonmaychooseonesayingoveranother,onekindofclothingoveranother,onemodeofinteractionoveranother,becauseshebelievessuchanactionmakeshermoreorlessBlackcf.Johnson2003.Thisiswhyweclaimthatraceandethnicityareascribedandachieved,bothmarkedandmade.Onemaycreate,reproduce,accept,oractivelyresistimposedsystemsofracialclassification;onemaychoosetoaccentuateonesethnicityorracialidentity.Butinmanycases,oneschoices,onesracialorethnicperformances,willhavelittleimpactonhowoneislabeledbyothers.ApersonborntoChineseparentsbutadopted,atinfancy,byaJamaicanAmericancouplemightidentifyasethnicallyJamaican.ShemightenjoyJamaicancuisine,readJamaicanliterature,listentoJamaicanmusic,andstudyJamaicanhistory.However,althoughheradoptedparentsmaybeclassifiedasraciallyBlack,shewouldbeclassifiedasAsian,herracedecidedforher.Thecrucialpointisthatthedegreetowhichanindividualcanslipandslidethroughmultipleethnicidentitiesdependsonthedegreetowhichthoseidentitiesarestigmatized.WhiteAmericanstypicallyenjoyahighdegreeoffluidityandMatthewDesmondandMustafaEmirbayerDUBOISREVIEW:SOCIALSCIENCERESEARCHONRACE6:2,2009 freedomwhenself-identifyingethnically.Theycanchoosetogiveequalweighttoallaspectsoftheirethnicityortohighlightcertainpartswhilede-emphasizingothers.Forinstance,thesamepersoncouldidentifyaseitherhalf-Italian,quarter-Polish,quarter-Swiss,PolishandItalian,orjustItalian.Manypeopleofcolordonotenjoythesamedegreeofchoice.SomeonewhosefatherisArabAmericanandwhosemotherisDutchAmericancouldnotsoeasilygetawaywithethnicallyidentifyingonlyasDutch.Insomeinstances,non-WhitesmayperformethnicityinordertoresistcertainracialclassificationsaswhenAfricanmigrantsteachtheirchildrentospeakwithanaccentsotheymightavoidbeingidentifiedasAfricanAmericans;inotherinstances,theymight,inanoppositeway,attempttocleansethemselvesofallethnicmarkersbetheylinguistic,religious,orculturalinnaturetoavoidbecomingvictimsofdiscriminationorstigmatization.Eitherway,theireffortsmayprovefutilesincethosebelongingtodominatedracialgroupshaveconsiderablylessethnicagencythanthosebelongingtothedominantandhencenormalizedgroup.OnereasonwhyraceandethnicityarerelativelydecoupledforWhiteAmericansbutboundtightlytogetherfornon-WhiteAmericansisfoundinthehistoryofthenationsimmigrationpoliciesandpractices.Untilthelatenineteenthcentury,immi-grationtoAmericawasderegulatedandencouragedwiththeexceptionofChineseexclusionlaws;however,attheturnofthecentury,native-bornWhiteAmericans,whoblamedimmigrantsfortheriseofurbanslums,crime,andclassconflict,begancallingforimmigrationrestrictions.Popularandpoliticalsupportforrestrictionsswelledandresultedinthedevelopmentofastrictimmigrationpolicy,culminatingintheJohnson-ReedActof1924.Americasnewimmigrationlaw,completewithnationalquotasandracialrestrictionsoncitizenship,wouldfundamentallyrealignthecountrysracialtaxonomy.ThenationaloriginssystemclassifiedEuropeansasnationalitiesandassignedquotasinahierarchyofdesirability,writeshistorianMaeNgaiinImpossibleSubjects:IllegalAliensandtheMakingofModernAmericautatthesametimethelawdeemedallEuropeanstobepartofaWhiterace,distinctfromthoseconsideredtobenothite.Euro-Americanidentitiesturnedbothonethnicitythatis,anationality-basedculturalidentitythatisdefinedascapableoftransformationandassimilationandonaracialidentitydefinedby2004,p.7.Non-Whites,ontheotherhand,wereeitherdeniedentryintotheUnitedStatesaswasthecaseforAsianmigrantsorwereassociatedwithillegalimmigrationthroughharshbordercontrolpoliciesaswasthecaseforMexicansIndeed,theimmigrationlawsofthe1920sappliedthenewlyformedconceptofnationaloriginonlytoEuropeannations;thoseclassifiedasmembersofthecoloredraceswereconceivedasbereftofacountryoforigin.Theresult,Ngaiobserves,wasthatunlikeEuro-Americans,whoseethnicandracialidentitiesbecameuncoupledduringthe1920s,AsiansandMexicansethnicandracialidentitiesremained2004,pp.7 8ThehistoryofAmericasimmigrationpolicyunderscorestheintimateconcep-tionbetweenrace,ethnicity,citizenship,andnationalorigin.Racialcategoriesoftenaredefinedandchangedbynationallawmakers,ascitizenshiphasbeenextendedorretracteddependingononesracialascription.TheU.S.justicesystemhasdecideddozensofcasesinwaysthathavesolidifiedcertainracialclassificationsinthelaw.Duringthenineteenthandtwentiethcenturies,legalcaseshandeddownrulingsthatofficiallyrecognizedJapanese,Chinese,Burmese,Filipinos,Koreans,NativeAmer-icans,andmixed-raceindividualsasnotWhite.In1897,aTexasfederalcourtruledthatMexicanswerelegallyWhite.AndIndianAmericans,Syrians,andArabianshavebeencapriciouslyclassifiedasbothWhiteandnotWhiteWhatisRacialDomination?DUBOISREVIEW:SOCIALSCIENCERESEARCHONRACE6:2,2009 .BrieflyexamininghowthelegaldefinitionsofWhiteandnon-Whitehavechangedovertheyearsdemonstratestheincrediblyunstableandfluidnatureofracialcategories.Italsoshowshowourlegalsystemhelpstoconstructrace.Forinstance,theprerequisitecasesthatdeterminedpeoplesraceinordertodeter-minetheireligibilityforU.S.citizenshipresultedinpoisonoussymbolicconse-quences.Deemedworthyofcitizenship,Whitepeoplewereunderstoodtobeupstanding,law-abiding,moral,andintelligent.Conversely,non-Whitepeople,fromwhomcitizenshipwaswithheld,werethoughttobebase,criminal,untrustworthy,andoflesserintelligence.FormostofAmericashistory,courtsdeterminedrace,andracedeterminednationality;thus,nationalitycanonlybeunderstoodwithinthecontextofU.S.racialandethnicconflictLoury2001;Shklar1991FIVEFALLACIESABOUTRACISMAccordingtotheSouthernPovertyLawCenter,therearehundredsofactivehategroupsacrossthecountry.ThesegroupsaremostlyfoundintheSouthernstatesTexas,Georgia,andSouthCarolinahaveoverfortyactivegroupsperstatebutCaliforniarankshighestinthenation,housingwithinitsbordersfifty-threegroups.Forsomepeople,hategroupsepitomizewhattheessenceofracismamountsto:intentionalactsofhumiliationandhatred.Whilesuchactsundoubtedlyareracistinnature,theyarebutthetipoftheiceberg.Todefineracismonlythroughextremegroupsandtheirextremeactsisakintodefiningweatheronlythroughhurricanes.Hurricanesarecertainlyatypeofweatherpatternaharshandbrutaltypebutsotooaremildrainfalls,lightbreezes,andsunnydays.Likewise,racismismuchbroaderthanviolenceandepithets.Italsocomesinmuchquieter,everyday-ordinarycf.Essed1991Americansaredeeplydividedoverthelegaciesandinnerworkingsofracism,andalargepartofthisdivisionisduetothefactthatmanyAmericansunderstandracisminlimitedormisguidedwaysAlbaetal.,2005;Nadeauetal.,1993.Wehaveidentifiedfivefallacies,recurrentinmanypublicdebatessee,e.g.,HarperandReskin,2005;Reskin1998;Searsetal.,2000,fallaciesoneshouldavoidwhenthinkingaboutracism.IndividualisticFallacy.Here,racismisassumedtobelongtotherealmofideasandprejudices.Racismisonlythecollectionofnastythoughtsthataracistindividualhasaboutanothergroup.Someoneoperatingwiththisfallacythinksofracismasonethinksofacrimeand,therefore,dividestheworldintotwotypesofpeople:thoseguiltyofthecrimeofracismandthoseinnocentofthecrimeWacquant1997.Crucialtothismisconceivednotionofracismisintentionality.DidIintentionallyactracist?DidIcrossthestreetbecauseIwasscaredoftheHispanicmanwalkingtowardme,ordidIcrossfornoapparentreason?Uponansweringnotothequestionofintentionality,oneassumesonecanclassifyonesownactionsasnonracist,despitethecharacterofthoseactions,andgoabouthisorherbusinessasinnocent.Thisconceptionofracismsimplywillnotdo,foritfailstoaccountfortheracismthatiswovenintotheveryfabricofourschools,politicalinstitutions,labormarkets,andneighborhoods.Conflatingracismwithprejudice,asHerbertBlumerpointedoutfiftyyearsago,ignoresthemoresystematicandstructuralformsofracism;itlooksforracismwithinindividualsandnotinstitutions.Labelingsomeonearacistshiftsourattentionfromthesocialsurroundingsthatenforceracialinequal-itiesandmiseriestotheindividualwithbiases.ItalsoletstheaccuserofftheMatthewDesmondandMustafaEmirbayerDUBOISREVIEW:SOCIALSCIENCERESEARCHONRACE6:2,2009 hookHeisaracist;Iamnotandtreatsracismasaberrantandstrange,whereasAmericanracismisrathernormal.Furthermore,intentionalityisinnowayapre-requisiteforracism.Racismisoftenhabitual,unintentional,commonplace,polite,implicit,andwellmeaningBrownetal.,2003.Thus,racismislocatednotonlyinourintentionalthoughtsandactions;italsothrivesinourunintentionalthoughtsandhabits,aswellasinthesocialinstitutionsinwhichweallareembeddedSilva1997;Feaginetal.,2001LegalisticFallacy.Thisfallacyconflatesdejurelegalprogresswithdefactoracialprogress.Onewhooperatesunderthelegalisticfallacyassumesthatabolishingracistlawsracisminprincipleautomaticallyleadstotheabolitionofracismwritracisminpractice.Thisfallacywillbegintocrumbleafterafewmomentsofcriticalreflection.Afterall,wewouldnotmakethesamemistakewhenitcomestoothercriminalizedacts:Lawsagainsttheftdonotmeanthatonescarwillneverbestolen.Bywayoftangibleillustration,considerBrownv.BoardofEducationthelandmarkcasethatabolisheddejuresegregationinschools.Therulingdidnotleadtotheabolitionofdefactosegregation:fiftyyearslater,schoolsarestilldrasticallysegregatedanddrasticallyunequalNeckerman2007;Oaks2005.Infact,somesocialscientistshavedocumentedanationwidemovementofeducationalre-segregation,whichhaslefttodaysschoolsevenmoresegregatedthanthoseof1954seeEaton1994;Harris2006;Orfield1993TokenisticFallacy.Oneguiltyofthetokenisticfallacyassumesthatthepresenceofpeopleofcolorininfluentialpositionsisevidenceoftheeradicationofracialobstacles.Althoughitistruethatnon-Whiteshavemadesignificantinroadstoseatsofpoliticalandeconomicpoweroverthecourseofthelastfiftyyears,adisproportionatenumberremaindisadvantagedinthesearenasAlexander2006;Patterson1997.Exceptionsdonotprovetherule.Wecannot,ingoodconscience,ignorethemillionsofAfricanAmericanslivinginpovertyand,instead,pointtoOprahWinfreysmillionsasevidenceforeconomicequality.Rather,wemustexplorehowWinfreysfinancialsuccesscancoexistwiththeeconomicdeprivationofmil-lionsofBlackwomen.Weneedtoexplore,inhistorianThomasHoltswords,howthesimultaneousidealizationofColinPowell,or,forthatmatter,BarackObama,anddemonizationofblacksasawhole...isreplicatedinmuchofoureveryday2000,p.6Besides,throughoutthehistoryofAmerica,onehasbeenabletofindatleastahandfulofnon-Whiteindividualswhoexcelledfinanciallyandpoliticallyintheteethoframpantracialdomination.ThefirstBlackcongressmanwasnotelectedaftertheCivilRightsMovementbutin1870.JosephRainey,aformerslave,servedfourtermsintheHouseofRepresentatives.MadameC.J.WalkerisaccreditedasbeingthefirstBlackmillionaire.Bornin1867,Walkermadeherfortuneinventinghairandbeautyproducts.FewpeoplewouldfeelcomfortablepointingtoRaineysandWalkerssuc-cessasevidencethatlatenineteenth-centuryAmericawasatimeofracialharmonyandequity.Suchtokenisticlogicwouldnotbeaccuratethen,anditisnotaccuratenow.AhistoricalFallacy.Thisfallacyrendershistoryimpotent.Thinkinghin-deredbytheahistoricalfallacymakesaboldclaim:MostU.S.historynamely,theperiodoftimewhenthiscountrydidnotextendbasicrightstopeopleofcoloraloneclassifythemasfullyhumanisinconsequentialtoday.Legaciesofslaveryandcolonialism,theeradicationofmillionsofNativeAmericans,forcedsegregation,clandestinesterilizationsandharmfulscienceexperiments,massdisenfranchisement,race-basedexploitation,racistpropagandadistributedbythestatecaricaturingAsians,Blacks,andHispanics,raciallymotivatedabusesofallkindssexual,murderous,andallofthis,purportthoseoperatingundertheahistoricalfallacy,areWhatisRacialDomination?DUBOISREVIEW:SOCIALSCIENCERESEARCHONRACE6:2,2009 toofarremovedtomattertothoselivinginthehere-and-now.Thisideaissoerroneousitisdifficulttotakeseriously.Todayssocietyisdirected,constructed,andmoldedbyindeedgraftedontothepastNgai2004;Patterson1998;Winant.Andrace,aswehavealreadyseen,isahistoricalinvention.AsoftversionoftheahistoricalfallacymightadmitthateventsintherecentpastsuchasthetimesincetheCivilRightsMovementortheattacksonSeptem-ber11matterwhilethingsinthedistantpastsuchasslaveryorthecolonizationofMexicohavelittleconsequence.Butthisideaisnolessfallaciousthanthehardversion,sincemanyeventsinAmericasdistantpastespeciallytheenslavementandmurderofmillionsofAfricansaretheconsequentialinshapingpresent-daysociety.Inthisvein,considerthequestionFrenchhistorianMarcBlochposestous:ButwhowoulddaretosaythattheunderstandingoftheProtestantorCatholicReformation,severalcenturiesremoved,isnotfarmoreimportantforapropergraspoftheworldtodaythanagreatmanyothermovementsofthoughtorfeeling,whicharecertainlymorerecent,yetmoreephemeral1953,p.41FixedFallacy.Thosewhoassumethatracismisfixedthatitisimmutable,constantacrosstimeandspacepartakeinthefixedfallacy.Sincetheytakeracismtobesomethingthatdoesnotdevelopatall,thosewhounderstandracismthroughthefixedfallacyareoftenledtoaskquestionssuchas:Hasracismincreasedordecreasedinthepastdecade?Andbecausepractitionersofthefixedfallacyusuallytakeastheirstandarddefinitionofracismonlythemostheinousformsracialviolence,forexampletheyconfidentlyconcludethat,indeed,thingshavegottenbetter.ItisimportantandusefultotracethecareerofAmericanracism,analyzing,forexample,howracialattitudesormeasuresofracialinclusionandexclusionhavechangedovertime,andmanysocialscientistshavedevelopedsophisticatedtech-niquesfordoingsoe.g.,Almaguer1994;Bobo2001;Patterson1998;Schumanetal.,1997.Butthequestion,Havethingsgottenbetterorworse?,islegitimateafterweaccountforthemorphingattributesofracism.Wecannotquantifyracismlikewecanquantify,say,birthrates.Thenatureofbirthratedoesnotfluctuateovertime;thus,itmakessensetoask,Aretheremoreorlessbirthsnowthantherewerefiftyyearsago?withoutbotheringtoanalyzeifandhowabirthrateisdifferenttodaythanitwasinprevioushistoricalmoments.Americanracism,ontheotherhand,assumesdifferentformsindifferenthistoricalmoments.Althoughracerelationstodayareinformedbythoseofthepast,wecannotholdtothebeliefthattwenty-first-centuryracismtakesontheexactsameformastwentieth-centuryracism.Andwecertainlycannotconcludethatthereislittleornoracismtodaybecauseitdoesnotresembletheracismofthe1950s.Modern-dayChristianitylooksverydifferent,innearlyeveryconceivableway,thantheChristianityoftheearlychurch.ButthisdoesnotmeanthatthereislittleornoChristianitytoday.So,beforeweask,Havethingsgottenbetterorworse?,weshouldpondertheessenceofracismtoday,notinghowitdiffersfromracismexperiencedbythoselivinginourparentsorgrandparentsgeneration.Andweshouldask,further,toquoteHoltagain,Whatenablesracismtoreproduceitselfafterthehistoricalconditionsthatinitiallygaveitlifehavedisappeared2000,p.20RACIALDOMINATIONWehavespentasignificantamountoftimetalkingaboutwhatracialdominationisnotbuthaveyettospelloutwhatitis.Wecandelineatetwospecificmanifestationsofracialdomination:institutionalracismandinterpersonalracism.MatthewDesmondandMustafaEmirbayerDUBOISREVIEW:SOCIALSCIENCERESEARCHONRACE6:2,2009 issystemicWhitedominationofpeopleofcolor,embeddedandoperatingincorporations,universities,legalsystems,politicalbodies,culturallife,andothersocialcollectives.Theworddominationremindsusthatinstitutionalracismisatypeofpowerthatencompassesthesymbolicpowertoclassifyonegroupofpeopleasnormalandothergroupsofpeopleasabnormal;thepoliticalpowertowithholdbasicrightsfrompeopleofcolorandmarshalthefullpowerofthestatetoenforcesegregationandinequality;thesocialpowertodenypeopleofcolorfullinclusionormembershipinassociationallife;andtheeconomicpowerthatprivilegesWhitesintermsofjobplacement,advancement,wealth,andpropertyaccumulation.Informedbycenturiesofracialdomination,institutionalracismwithholdsfrompeopleofcoloropportunities,privileges,andrightsthatmanyWhitesenjoy.Socialscientistshaveamassedasignificantamountofevidencedocumentinginstitutionalracism,evidencethatdemonstrateshowWhitepeoplestrictlybecauseoftheirWhitenessreapconsiderableadvantageswhenbuyingandsellingahouse,choos-inganeighborhoodinwhichtolive,gettingajobandmovingupthecorporateladder,securingafirst-classeducation,andseekingmedicalcareMassey2007;Quillian2006.ThatWhitesaccumulatemorepropertyandearnmoreincomethanmembersofminoritypopulations,possessimmeasurablymorepoliticalpower,andenjoygreateraccesstothecountryscultural,social,medical,legal,andeconomicresourcesarewelldocumentedfactse.g.,OliverandShapiro,1997;Pager2003;Western2006.WhileWhiteshaveaccumulatedmanyopportunitiesduetoracialdomination,peopleofcolorhavesufferedfromdisaccumulationBrownetal.,.Thus,ifwetalkaboutHispanicpoverty,thenwemustalsotalkaboutWhiteaffluence;ifwespeakofBlackunemployment,thenwemustalsokeepinmindWhiteemployment;andifweponderpublicpoliciesforpeopleofcolor,thenwemustalsocriticallyexaminethepublicpoliciesthatdirectlybenefitWhitepeople.Belowthelevelofinstitutionsyetdirectlyinformedbytheirworkingsweinterpersonalracism.Thisisracialdominationmanifestineverydayinteractionsandpractices.Interpersonalracismcanbeovert;however,mostofthetime,inter-personalracismisquitecovert:itisfoundinthehabitual,commonsensical,andordinarypracticesofourlives.Ourracistattitudes,asLillianSmithremarkedinKillersoftheDream,easilyslipfromtheconsciousminddeepintothemuscles,p.96.Sincewearedisposedtoaworldstructuredbyracialdomina-tion,wedevelopracializeddispositionssomeconscious,manymoreunconsciousandsomaticthatguideourthoughtsandbehaviors.WemaytalkslowlytoanAsianwomanatthefarmersmarket,unconsciouslyassumingthatshespeakspoorEnglish;wemayinformaHispanicmanatacorporatepartythatsomeonehasspilledtheirpunch,unconsciouslyassumingthatheisajanitor;wemayasktochangeseatsifanArabAmericanmansitsnexttousonanairplane.Miniatureactionssuchasthesehavelittletodowithonesintentionalthoughts;theyareorchestratedbyonespracticalsense,oneshabitualknowhow,andinformedbyinstitutionalracism.ConflictbetweenRaciallyDominatedGroupsCanpeopleofcolorberacist?Thisquestionisapopularoneinthepublicimagination,andtheanswerdependsonwhatwemeanbyracism.InstitutionalracismistheproductofyearsofWhitesupremacy,anditisdesignedtoproducefar-reachingbenefitsforWhitepeople.Institutionalracismcarriesondespiteourpersonalattitudes.Thus,thereisnosuchthingasBlackinstitutionalracismorreverseinstitutionalracismsincethereexistsnocenturies-oldsociallyingrainedandnormalizedsystemofdominationdesignedbypeopleofcolorthatdeniesWhitesWhatisRacialDomination?DUBOISREVIEW:SOCIALSCIENCERESEARCHONRACE6:2,2009 fullparticipationintherights,privileges,andseatsofpowerofoursocietyetal.,2003.Interpersonalracism,ontheotherhand,takesplaceonthegroundlevelandhastodowithattitudesandhabitualactions.Itiscertainlytruethatmembersofallracialgroupscanharbornegativeattitudestowardmembersofothergroups.Indeed,somenon-Whitegroupshaveadeep,conflict-riddenhistorywithothernon-Whitegroups.Considerthetenserelationship,foundinmanyurbanareas,betweenKoreanimmigrantsandAfricanAmericans.Immigrantgroupshavealwaysfoundawaytoestablishabusinessintheinnercity.Throughoutthetwentiethcentury,Jewishshopkeeperswerearegularfixtureinthecenteroftown;butastheirchildreninherited,notjusttheopportunitiestheirparentshadworkedsohardtoprovide,butalsotheopportunitiesinvolvedinbeingwelcomeddeeperintotheranksofWhiteness,theytookleaveoftheirshopsandopenedupinturnnewopportunitiesforstreamsofotherethnicimmigrants.KoreanshavefilledthebusinessnicheleftbyJewishshopkeepers,andmanyhaveopenedupshopsintheBlackghettobecausetheycanaffordtolivethereandbecausetheydonothavetocompetewithlargecorporations,whicharemuchmoreinterestedinthedeeperpocketsofsuburbanLee2002;Waldinger1996SomeBlackghettoresidents,however,viewKoreanshopkeeperswithafairdegreeofanimusandresentment.AlthoughBlacksandimmigrantsusuallycompetefordifferentjobsBaker1999;McCall2001,manypoorBlacksfeelthatKoreanentrepreneurshavestymiedthegrowthofblackbusiness.ConflictsbetweenBlackpatronsandKoreanstoreownersregularlyarecoloredbyracistlanguage,witheachpartyexchangingepithetsKim2000;Lee2002.Black-Koreanconflictboiledoverintheearlynineteen-nineties.In1991,aKoreanmerchantshotandkilledaBlackteenagerinSouthCentralLosAngeles.Ayearlater,LosAngeleswentupinflamesasinsurgentsofallracialidentitiestooktothestreetsafterfourWhitepoliceofficers,whohadbeencaughtonvideotapebeatingRodneyKing,atwenty-five-year-oldmotorist,wereacquitted.Asthesmokesettledfromthecountrysfirstmultiethnicuprising,fifty-twohadbeenkilledandmillionsofdollarsworthofpropertyhadbeendestroyed.Koreanstoreownerswerehitthehardest,sufferingalmosthalfthetotalpropertydamageroughly$400millionLee2002Black-Koreanconflict,aswellasotherantagonisticrelationsbetweenraciallydominatedgroupsincludingtheso-calledBlack-Browndivide,bitterrelationsamongHispanicsubgroups,andanimusbetweenvariousAmericanIndianNationsremindushowracialdominationcanoccludeanddistort,howitcanhidetherealcausesofhumanmiseryunderfalseargumentsthatattributethosecausestocertaindominatedracialgroups.Insteadofexaminingprocessesofdisinvestmentanddeindustrializa-tionthathollowedoutthecityscore,ongoingmodesofcapitalistexploitationthatkeepplumptheunemploymentrolls,orAmericasskimpywelfarestateandtheretreatofstateinvolvementinpoorurbanareas,themindcloudedbyracialdomi-nationpreferstoblameimmigrantsorBlacks.Thedistrustandfearthatdifferentracialandethnicgroupslivinginpoorurbanneighborhoodsharbortowardsoneanotherismatchedonlybytheinterestsandstrugglessharedbythesegroups.Peopleofcolor,then,canhelptoreinforcetheWhitepowerstructurebylashingoutagainstothernon-Whitegroups.Thatsaid,wemustrealizethatinterpersonalracismtargetingdominatedgroupsandinterpersonalracismtargetingthedominantgroupdonotpackthesamepunch.Take,forexample,thefollowingscenario:Twoyoungmen,oneBlack,theotherWhite,bumpintoeachotheronthestreet.TheBlackmancallstheWhitemanahonky.Inresponse,theWhitemancallstheBlackmanaboy.Bothracialslursareracialslursandshouldbelabeledassuch,andbothreinforceracialdivisions.However,unlikehonky,boyconnectstothelargerMatthewDesmondandMustafaEmirbayerDUBOISREVIEW:SOCIALSCIENCERESEARCHONRACE6:2,2009 systemofinstitutionalracialdomination.Thewordderivesitsmeaningandpowerfromslavery,whenenslavedAfricanmenwerestrippedoftheirmasculinehonorandtreatedlikechildren.BoyandmanyotherepithetsaimedatBlacksinvokessuchtimestimeswhenmurdering,torturing,whipping,andrapingenslavedBlackswerenotillegalacts.EpithetstowardsWhitepeople,includinghonky,havenosuchequivalent.BoyalsoremindstheBlackmanhowthingsstandtoday.Ifthecon-frontationescalatesandthepolicearecalled,theBlackmanknowsthatthepoliceofficerswillprobablybeWhiteandthathemightbeharassedorlookeduponasathreat;ifthetwomenmeetincourt,theBlackmanknowsthatthelawyers,judge,andjurorswillpossiblybemostlyifnotallWhite;andifthetwomenaresen-tenced,theAfricanAmericanmanknowsasdomanycriminologistse.g.,Tonrythathewillgettheharshersentence.Boybringsthefullweightofinsti-tutionalracismsystematic,historical,mightydownupontheBlackman.Honky,evenifdeliveredwithvenomousspite,ispowerlessbycomparison.Moreover,sociologistshaveshownthat,unlikeWhitepeople,peopleofcolorareconfrontedwithinterpersonalracismonaregularbasis,sometimesdaily.Forpeopleofcolor,thereisacumulativecharactertoanindividualsracialexperiences.Humiliatingordegradingactsalwaysareinformedbysimilaractsthatindividualshaveexperiencedinthepast.ToparaphraseJoeFeagin,theinterpersonaleventsthattakeplaceonthestreetandinotherpublicsettingsarenotsimplyrareandisolatedevents;rather,theyarerecurringeventsshapedbyhistoricalandsocialforcesofracialdomination.SymbolicViolenceBecauseracisminfusesallofsociallife,peopleofcolorandWhitesalikedevelopthoughtsandpracticesmoldedbyracism;peopleofcolorandWhitesalikedevelopstereotypesaboutotherracialgroups.Peopleofcolorofteninternalizeprejudiceaimedattheirownracialgroup,unintentionallycontributingtothereproductionofracialdomination.Psychologistshavelabeledthisphenomenoninternalizedoppres-sionorinternalizedracismFanon1967.FollowingtheworkofPierreBourdieu,welabelitsymbolicviolence:violencewhichisexerciseduponasocialagentwithhisorhercomplicityBourdieuandWacquant,1992,p.167.Inthecaseofracialdomina-tion,symbolicviolencereferstotheprocessofpeopleofcolorunknowinglyaccept-ingandsupportingthetermsoftheirowndomination,therebyactingasagentswhocolludeintheconditionsfromwhichtheysuffer.Sowelearnedthedancethatcripplesthehumanspirit,lamentsSmith,stepbystepbystep,wewhowerehiteandwewhowerecolored,daybyday,hourbyhour,yearbyyearuntilthemovementswerereflexesandmadefortherestofourlifewithoutthinking,p.96AgoodexampleofsymbolicviolenceisthenearlyworldwideacceptanceofEuropeanstandardsofbeauty.ThefalseaestheticseparationbetweenWhitebeautyepitomizedbylong,straight,blondehair,blueeyes,andpaleskinandBlackuglinessepitomizedbyshort,curly,blackhair,browneyes,anddarkbrownskingrewoutofslavery.FeaturesassociatedwiththeAfricanAmericanphenotypeweredemonized.SincetheBlackisBeautifulmovementofthe1960s,manyAfricanAmericanwomenhaveresistedsuchstandards,takingprideintheircurlyhairandtheirebony-coloredskin.Nevertheless,manyothershaveinternalizedWhitestandardsofbeauty.Assuch,theyusecostlyandpainfulmethodstostraightenanddyetheirhairand,lessfrequently,tolightentheirskin.Infact,MadameC.J.Walker,thefirstBlackmillionairementionedabove,madeherfortunedevelopingaWhatisRacialDomination?DUBOISREVIEW:SOCIALSCIENCERESEARCHONRACE6:2,2009 producttostraightenBlackwomenshair!Today,manyBlackwomenandothermembersofdominatedraces,toborrowSartresline,havebeenpoisonedbythestereotypeothershaveofthem,p.95Symbolicviolenceoperatesbyvirtueofthefactthatthedominatedperceiveandrespondtothestructuresandprocessesthatdominatethemthroughmodesofthoughtand,indeed,alsooffeelingwhicharethemselvestheproductofdomi-nation.Theorderofthingscomestoseemtothemnatural,self-evident,andlegitimate.Suchaninsightneithergrantseverythingtostructuralcausationnorblamesthehaplessvictim.heonlywaytounderstandthisparticularformofdominationistomovebeyondtheforcedchoicebetweenconstraintbyforcestoreasons,betweenmechanicalcoercionandvoluntary,free,deliberate,evencalculatedsubmission.Theeffectofsymbolicdomination...isexertednotinthepurelogicofknowingconsciousnessesbutthroughtheschemesofperception,appreciation,andactionthatareconstitutiveofhabitusandwhich,belowthelevelofthedecisionsofconsciousnessandthecontrolsofthewill,setupacognitiverela-tionshipthatisprofoundlyobscuretoitselfBourdieu2001,p.37.Thisinturnhasanimportantpracticalimplication.Whatisrequiredisaradicaltransfor-mationofthesocialconditionsthatproduceembodiedhabits,dispositions,tastes,andlifestylesthatleadpeopletobecomeactivelycomplicitintheirowndomination.Theonlywaytobringaboutchangethatdoesnotentailmerelyreplacingonemodalityofracialdominationwithanotheristoundothemechanismsofdehistori-cizationanduniversalizationalwaysandeverywhereithasbeenthiswaythroughwhicharbitraryworkingsofpowerareenabledtocontinue.IntersectingModesofDominationRacialdominationdoesnotoperateinsideavacuum,cordonedofffromothermodesofdomination.Onthecontrary,itwithotherformsofdominationthosebasedongender,class,sexuality,religion,nationhood,ability,andsoforth.ThenotionthatthereisamonolithicArabAmericanexperience,AsianAmericanexperience,orWhiteexperienceexperiencessomehowdetachedfromotherpiecesofonesidentityisnothingbutachimera.Researchershavelabeledsuchanotionracialessentialism,forsuchawayofthinkingboilsdownvastlydifferenthumanexperiencesintoasinglemastercategory:raceHarris2000.Whenwefailtoaccountforthesedifferentexperiences,wecreatesilencesinournarrativesofthesocialworldandfailtoexplainhowoverlappingsystemsofadvantageanddisadvan-tageaffectindividualsopportunitystructures,lifestyles,andsocialhardships.TheideaofintersectionalityimpliesthatwecannotunderstandthelivesofpoorWhitesinglemothersorgayBlackmenbyexaminingonlyonedimensionoftheirlivesclass,gender,race,orsexuality.Indeed,wemustexploretheirlivesintheirfullcomplexity,examininghowthesevariousdimensionscometogetherandstructuretheirexistence.Whenwespeakofracialdomination,then,wemustalwaysbearinmindthewaysinwhichitinteractswithmasculinedominationorsexism,hetero-sexualdominationorhomophobia,classdomination,religiouspersecu-tion,disadvantagesbroughtonbydisabilities,andsoforthCollins2000;Crenshaw1990;Mohanty2003Inaddition,weshouldnotassumethatonekindofoppressionismoreimportantthananotherorthatbeingadvantagedinonedimensionoflifesomehowcancelsoutotherdimensionsthatoftenresultindisadvantage.WhileitistruethatpoorWhitesexperiencemanyofthesamehardshipsaspoorBlacks,itisnottruethatpovertysomehowde-WhitenspoorWhites.Inotherwords,thoughtheyareinasimilarlyMatthewDesmondandMustafaEmirbayerDUBOISREVIEW:SOCIALSCIENCERESEARCHONRACE6:2,2009 precariouseconomicpositionaspoorBlacks,poorWhitesstillexperiencerace-basedprivileges,whilepoorBlacksareoppressednotonlybypovertybutalsobyracism.Inasimilarvein,well-offpeopleofcolorcannotbuytheirwayoutofracism.Despitetheireconomicprivilege,middle-andupper-classnon-Whitesexperienceinstitu-tionalandinterpersonalracismonaregularbasisFeagin1991.Buthow,exactly,shouldweconceptualizetheseintersectingmodesofdomination?Manyscholarshavegrappledwiththisquestione.g.,McCall2005;Walby2007;Yuval-Davis2006andwedosohere,ifonlyinthemostprovisionalway.Thenotionofintersectionalityisperhapsasoldasthesocialproblemsofracial,masculine,andclassdomination,butinrecentmemoryitwaspopularizedbyactiv-istswhocriticizedthefeministandcivilrightsmovementsforignoringtheuniquestrugglesofwomenofcolor.ThetermitselfiscreditedtocriticalracescholarKimberléCrenshaw,whoimaginedsocietyasdividedeverywhichwaybymultipleformsofinequality.ForCrenshaw,societyresembledanintricatesystemofcrisscrossingroadseachonerepresentingadifferentsocialidentitye.g.,race,gender,class,religion,age;onesuniquesocialpositionorstructurallocationbeidentifiedbylistingalltheattributesofonessocialidentityandpinpointingtheorintersectionatwhichallthoseattributescoalesced.Thisconceptionofintersectionalityhasbeenthedominantoneformanyyears,leadingscholarstounderstandoverlappingmodesofoppressionasakindofmatrixofdominationCollins2000Recently,however,scholarshavecriticizedthiswayofthinkingaboutintersec-tionality,claimingthatitreproduces,inminimizedform,theveryessentialistrea-soningitsoughttodismantleseeFerree2009;McCall2005.Forexample,thosewhohaveconcentratedonthewaysthatclassintersectswithracelargelyhavebifurcatedracialgroupsespeciallyAfricanAmericansintotwoclassesthemiddleclassandthepoorortheunderclassattributingtoeachcertainsocialcharac-teristics,principles,andpracticese.g.,Jencks1992;MasseyandDenton,1993;Wilson1978.Thus,insteadofBlackculture,wenowhavetwodistinctBlackcultures;insteadoftheBlackcommunity,wethinkintermsofsubcommunities.Whenscholarsdivideracialgroupsintoasetnumberofclasses,genders,sexualities,andsoforth,theendresultisnotacritiqueofessentialismbutanew,softerkindofessentialism,resultinginamultichromemosaicofmonochromeracial,ethnic,orculturalblocsBrubakeretal.,2004,p.45.Atbest,amodelthatrepresentssocietyasahierarchyofculturallydiscreteboxesdividedbyvectorsofsocialidentityencouragesustoconceptualizeoppressionthroughasimpleadditivemodeloftenhearsofadoublejeopardyortripleoppression;atworst,itreplaceslargerhomogenizingrubricswithsmalleronesHispanicwomenofferslittleconceptualrefugefromreductionistandreifyingtendencies.WebelieveamoreanalyticallysophisticatedandpoliticallyusefulrenderingofintertwinedoppressionsisMyraMarxFerreesmodelofinteractiveintersectional-cf.Prins2006;Walby2007.Inthisversion,overlappingsocialidentitiesarebestunderstood,notasacollectionofpointsofintersection,butasafigurationasEliaswouldhaveitorfieldasBourdieuwouldofshifting,deeply-dimensioned,andmutuallyconstitutedrelationships.ThismeanstheintersectionofgenderandraceisnotanynumberofspecificoccupiedbyindividualsorsuchasBlackwomenbutathroughwhichracetakesonmultiplegenderedmeaningsforparticularwomenandmen....Insuchacomplexsystem,genderisnotadimensionlimitedtotheorganizationofreproductionorfamily,classisnotadimensionequatedwiththeeconomy,andraceisnotacategoryreducedtotheprimacyofethnicities,nationsandborders,butalloftheprocessesthatsystem-WhatisRacialDomination?DUBOISREVIEW:SOCIALSCIENCERESEARCHONRACE6:2,2009 aticallyorganizefamilies,economies,andnationsareco-constructedalongwiththemeaningsofgender,race,andclassthatarepresentedinandreinforcedbytheseinstitutionsseparatelyandtogetherFerree2009,p.85Thebestmetaphorforintersectingmodesofoppression,therefore,maynotbethatofcrisscrossingroadsbutofaweborfieldofrelationswithinwhichstrugglesoveropportunities,power,andprivilegestakeplacecf.Bourdieu1996Emirbayer1997.Theimplicationofthisnewtheoreticaldevelopmentisthatifwefocusstrictlyonraceandignoreothersourcesofsocialinequalitysuchasclassand,notonlywillwebedeaftotheuniqueexperiencesofcertainmembersofsocietytheirvoicesdrownedoutbyourviolentandhomogenizingcategorizationbutwewillalsoandalwaysfundamentallymisunderstandourobjectofanalysis:raceitself.Intersectionalanalysisofthetypethatbreakswitholdmodesofthinkinge.g.,societyasamatrixofdominationandadoptsathoroughlyrelationalper-spectiveonmultiplemodesofoppressione.g.,interactiveintersectionalityisnotanoptionbutaprerequisiteforfullyunderstandingthenatureofracialidentityandracialdomination.Theaimofthispaperwastoadvanceasocioanalysisofracialdominationinembryonicform,introducingstudentstotheanalyticalbuildingblocksofasociologyofraceandethnicity.Westrovetoconsolidateinasingleessayinsightsfromdiversebodiesofscholarship,criticallyinterrogatingseveralideasalongtheway.Insodoing,weunder-scoredasharedsetofdefinitionsandconceptsandemphasizedeffectiveanddissectedwaysofthinkingaboutracialdomination.Racismcanbeslippery,elusivetoobservationandanalysis.Twenty-firstcenturypatternsofracialstigmatization,exclu-sion,andrepressionaswellaspromisesofracialreconciliationandmulticulturalcoalitionsdonotimmediatelyresemblethoseofthetwentiethcentury.Likeareces-sivetumor,twenty-first-centuryracismhasdisguiseditself,callingitselfbyothernamesandcloakingitselfbehindseeminglyrace-neutrallaws,policies,practices,andlan-guage.Asstudentsofsocietyandascitizensofaworldthatgrowsmoreraciallydiverseeveryyearwemustworktorenderapparentthispervasive,corrosive,anddehuman-izingformofdominationthatinfectsthehealthofoursociety.Wemustunderstandhowraceworks,developingtoolstoanalyzethiswell-foundedfictionresponsibleforsomanycleavagesandinequalitiesinourworldtoday.Thisarticlehasattemptedtolaythegroundworknecessarytodojustthat. Correspondingauthor:MatthewDesmond,DepartmentofSociology,UniversityofWisconsinMadison,8128WilliamH.SewellSocialSciencesBuilding,1180ObservatoryDrive,Madison,WI53706-1393.Email:mdesmond@ssc.wisc.edu1.Racescholarsmuststrivetoconstructtheirownobjectofinquiryratherthanallowingthatobjecttobepre-constructedforthem,asitwere,bytaken-for-grantedandcom-monsenseunderstandingsorfolkknowledgeBanton1979.AsDurkheime.g.,1982oftenstressed,craftingascientificdefinitionisamongthemosteffectivewaystoexerciseepistemologicalvigilance.Wepresentourownprovisionaldefinitionofraceheretobreakwithcommonsenseimpressionsofthetermand,byunpackingitoneelementatatime,toarriveatasocial-scientificallysoundunderstandingofrace.Byemphasizingtheprocessofmisrecognitionornaturalization,ourdefinitiondiffersfromothers,whichtendtoacceptasgiventheexistenceofnaturalphysicaldifferencesMatthewDesmondandMustafaEmirbayerDUBOISREVIEW:SOCIALSCIENCERESEARCHONRACE6:2,2009 thatare,throughtheprocessofracialization,ascribedsocialimportanceormeaning.SinceWeber,sociologistshavedefinedraceasaformofsocialclassificationbasedonobviousphysicaldifferences,p.385;e.g.,Schaefer2006,p.7ordiffer-enttypesofhumanbodiesOmiandWinant,1994,p.55.Inmanyonemightsaycases,theseconditionsholdwhatbecomesknownasaraceisagroupsetapartthroughsocialclassification,practice,andcustombyskintone,hairtype,smell,orsomeotherphysicaldifferencebuttheyproveinsufficientinanon-insignificantnumberofothercontexts,wheretheprocessofracializationreliesonasetofnon-obvious,orevennon-existent,physicalattributesasinthecaseofJapansBurakaminorevenlight-skinnedAfricanAmericansorNativeAmericans.Bantonwascorrectwhenhesaidthatpeopledonotperceiveracialdifferences...phenotypicaldifferencesofcolour,hairform,underlyingbonestructureandsoon1979,p.130.Butwecangofurtherstill,acknowledgingthatprocessesofracializationactuallycandemarcatedifferencewherepreviouslynophenotypicdifferenceevenatthelevelofmelanincountInallcases,theprocessofracializationreliesontheprocessofmisrecognition,wherebyasocialcreationismistakenforanaturalphenomenon,eitherinhardformaswithscientificracismortheearlyhumantaxonomiesorinsoftermanifestationsaswithstereotypicalcommentsattributingtocertainracialgroupsacollectionofattributes,positiveornegative,asifthoseattributesweregeneticallyinherited2.Emphatically,thisdoesnotmeanthatrefusingtorecognizeracialgroupsthatwerecreatedthroughcenturiesofoppression,colonialism,politicaldiscourse,andscientificmanipulationwillsomehowleadthoseracesandracialinequalitytomagicallydisap-pear.Theprocessofracialmisrecognitionisfoundbothatthestructuralandindividuallevelsand,mostimportant,isahistoricalprocess.Itfollows,then,thatthepracticeofrefusingtorecognizethemisrecognition,aswithFrancesaversiontoacknowledgingracialcategoriesortheprematurelycelebratorydeclarationofacolor-blindorracefreeAmericausuallyassociatedwithneoconservativepolitics,isanineffectiveandwrongheadedresponsetoaworlditselfnotcolor-blind.Inmanycases,therefusaltorecognizeraceawell-foundedfictiononlyexacerbatesracialinequalitiesbyrender-ingantiracistprogramsimpossible.3.Forcritiquesofethnicity-,nation-,andclass-orientedtheoriesofrace,seeOmiandWinant4.Recently,anenergeticandconstructivedebatehasemergedoverthehistoricalconstruc-tionofWhitenessinAmerica,itsgenesis,development,andboundaries.WhilesomehistorianshavearguedthatcertainEuropeanimmigrantsinitiallywerenotconsideredWhitebuteventuallycametobeincludedunderthisprivilegedrubric,othershavesuggestedthattheseimmigrantswerehiteonarrivalseeArnesen2001;Guglielmo2004;Roediger19915.AmericanstendtofocusonethnicdifferenceswithintheWhiterace,whiletreatingBlacks,Latinos,andAsianAmericansasiftheyhadnoethnicityandasiftherewerenoculturalorhistoricaldifferencesbetweenforAfricanAmericansHaitians,Jamaicans,Ethiopians,Trinidadians,Angolans,orNigerians,orbetweenforLatinosPuertoRicans,Cubans,Mexicans,Peruvians,orDominicans,orbetweenforAsianAmericansIndonesians,Cambodians,Vietnamese,Chinese,andJapanesepeopleWaters19996.Althoughethnicaffiliationsareofteninformedbynationalaffiliations,ethnicityalsocantranscendnationalborders.Jewishethnicaffiliationencompassesawidevarietyofpeo-plewhovaryintermsofnationality,politicalcommitments,languages,andreligiousbeliefsandpractices.DespitethesedifferenceswhichcutacrossnationalandreligiousboundariesmanyJewsseethemselvesasboundtogetherinagroup,sharingacommonhistory,culture,andethnicidentity.7.Foranextendeddiscussion,seeDesmondandEmirbayer8.Thisiswhysomescholarshaveobservedthat,initspopularusage,thetermHispanicisdeployedmuchmoreoftenasaracial,notethnic,classification,whileHispanicsub-categories,suchasMexicanorCuban,aretreatedlikeethnicmarkersHirschmanetal.,20009.Today,manyforeign-bornresidentsstillfacegreatbarrierswhenapplyingforU.S.citizenship.WhenwecompareU.S.naturalizationrateswiththoseofCanada,wenoticethatthelatterarehigherthantheformer:overthepastthreedecades,Canadahasawardedmostofitsforeign-bornpopulationcitizenship,whiletheU.S.hasnotnaturalizedthemajorityofitsforeign-bornpopulationBloemraad2006;seealsoJoppkeWhatisRacialDomination?DUBOISREVIEW:SOCIALSCIENCERESEARCHONRACE6:2,2009 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WHATISRACIALDOMINATION?MatthewDesmondDepartmentofSociology,UniversityofWisconsinMadisonMustafaEmirbayerDepartmentofSociology,UniversityofWisconsinMadisonWhenstudentsofraceandracismseekdirection,theycanfindnosinglecomprehensivesourcethatprovidesthemwithbasicanalyticalguidanceorthatoffersinsightsintotheelementaryformsofracialclassificationanddomination.Webelievethefieldwouldbenefitgreatlyfromsuchasource,andweattempttoofferonehere.Synchronizingandbuildinguponrecenttheoreticalinnovationsintheareaofrace,welendsomeconceptualclarificationtothenatureanddynamicsofraceandracialdominationsothatstudentsofthesubjectsespeciallythoseseekingageneral(ifeconomical)introductiontothevastfieldofracestudiescangainbasicinsightintohowraceworksaswellaseffective(andfallacious)waystothinkaboutracialdomination.FocusingprimarilyontheAmericancontext,webeginbydefiningraceandunpackingourdefinition.Wethendescribehowourconceptionofracemustbeinformedbythoseofethnicityandnationhood.Next,weidentifyfivefallaciestoavoidwhenthinkingaboutracism.Finally,wediscusstheresilienceofracialdomination,concentratingonhowallactorsinasocietygrippedbyracismreproducetheconditionsofracialdomination,aswellasonthebenefitsanddrawbacksofapproachesthatemphasizeintersectionality.Race,RaceTheory,RacialDomination,Inequality,IntersectionalitySynchronizingandbuildinguponrecenttheoreticalinnovationsintheareaofrace,welendsomeconceptualclarificationtothenatureanddynamicsofraceandracialdomination,providinginasingleessayasourcethroughwhichthinkersespeciallythoseseekingageneralifeconomicalintroductiontothevastfieldofracestudiescangainbasicinsightintohowraceworksaswellaseffectivewaystothinkaboutracialdomination.Unabletolocateasingleandconciseessaythat,standingalone,summarizesthefoundationalideasofacriticalsociologyofraceandracism,wewrotethisarticletoprovidescholarsandstudentswithageneralorientationorintroduc-tiontothestudyofracialdomination.Indoingso,wehaveattemptedtolend DuBoisReview,6:2(2009)335355.©2009W.E.B.DuBoisInstituteforAfricanandAfricanAmericanResearch1742-058X09$15.00