inferior quality Cape wines, Cape hinterland - PDF document

Ebmpe inferior quality Cape wines, Cape hinterland and difficulties of transport prime importance apart from strategic position, lay a supplier comm~ty. (4) to the 1799 lacking unless questions raised this debate rebels were servants would contend this specific purpose await a exsunination of farms region concerned, such as has not yet been must suffice to say livestock and pastoral products the hunt) econony that, while Companps initial intention bw&ers should supply arable products is well barter between Xhoikhoi, which became overtly coercive later years the 17th century and Finally, it should divisions characteristic of Boer The colonists~ private control land and hence over of its inhabitants struggle between themselves less violent than situations elsewhere (20), density of Xhoikhoi populations and Khoikhoi leadership the face manifold pressures. while military was confined border areas 1799, Xhoikhoi resistance to proletarianization as stock theft, effect of which bewildering variety of however, force was the colonial social judgment, there was no doubt that in eastern Cape turn of this was both colonists see their The eastern rebellion 30 between whites and south of What follows account of Neumark argued that number of particularly important expansion of higher than those set Compq. late 1760s beginning of unprecedented rise would seem likely that of white settlement coast beyond mountains bordering Karroo into the plains of Camdebo range was stimulated thereby; though Guelke shown that a marked iacrease in the annual issued occurred 1760~~ before the shipping bo'om south-eastern boundary river, but this time of colonists had their cattle rich pastures Sebastiaan van Reenen of Cape Town, 'lone richest and most progressive Colonyff (23), charge of Kok Swellendam, another "progressive"fmer, was pasturing his cattle on van Stadens river and Jacobus Scheepers had land on the Gamtoos river some tine before it became the official boundary. (25) Not long after, Gerrit and a number others took advantage their vast domain established themselves legally on the Zwartkops river. (26) In March 1775 white inhabitants of Swellendam They wrote procure more pasture than to be founc? present confined prosperLty suffer a content with coastal lands between Bushmans dismissed as that account not capable petitioners asked that Bruyntjes Hoogte, "being nearly all swayed by budgetary government moved with surprising 1775 proclaimed the Bushmans Fish River the Colony. By 1779 families settled between Bushmans rivers, among them the three Ferreiras, Stephanus, Solomon and Pieter Hendrik, living near the shores of Algoa Bq. (28) In that year began the first clashes between them and the Zuurveld Xhosa, September most fled with their livestock and by the westwards pressure These troubled times were the growth of the under Ruyter, is said a fugitive he had been a party Hottentots. several other afterwds had the art to make them take ams them a not possibly especially as with plunder, taught a method cattle better both cases than ever himelf territory extended from Damasonquas to the Keiskamma. Hoengeyqua appear have held control of this area until the Gqunukhwebe, led by Shaka, crossed the Fish river 1760s. (53) Gqunukhwebe tradition holds that the Zuurveld, Kowie rivers, Ruyterts descendants disputed It seas that there followed a prolonged struggle between which the Hoengeyqua were the eventual losers. Sparrman wmte in 1775 been much conflict with Caffres" and that "about 200 people" "a less considerable society". (55) Sparrman not visit llKoning Ruyterls kraal1I between the Fish and Bushmans rivers. !?he a&ed leader was at preparing another Almost certainly was defeated, l776 Pieter found him living west of Bushmans with a group of called themselves Gonaquas, as a "Kaffir-Hottentot I bastards". (57) l I peculiar pressure before the permanent settlement may apparent lack of centrally directed during effects of penetration were uniform probably strengthened centrifugal forces 1 I In the early 1770s the Companyfs agents in Swellendam still rega.rded Khoikhoi beyond borders as a source of livestock independent This was in contrast to the situation in Swellendam itself, where "few or no Rottentots any longer reside kraals, part with inhabitant^^^, who prevented them from bartering Compaqy. the mid-1770s number of Khoikhoi east Gamtoos were living, as individuals or in groups, on land claimed by the colonists. Some mw have done (59) perhaps explains %ithU the Boers and those who belonged to them i an Klaas of Salomon . . William Primloo", etc. ) . (60) At Gerrit Scheepers 1 S to be occupied by Uitenhage, Sparmnan found "a small society of Gunjemans Hottentots .. . [who] now lived on friendly term with the farmer above mentionedrt. They were a widow, owned loan-fazm Gamtoos, but government bartered 300 cattle per aaum. southern rivers were other groups maintained a precarious Gamtoos lived Kees, who, Swellendam authorities, "exercised control over a hundred people" a group Gonaquas were found Sparman on van Stadens river (64), and on the Little Sunda~.s met a 1130ttentot-Caffrest~ who had "a great quantity of cattle". the settlers however, already 1770 the Gamtoos, "as he had too maq cattle aud thus injured the inhabitantstt. (66) In 1778 vaa Reenents lands were white settlement spread eastwards after conflict over -thmughout this period was the though by the mid-1790s some Boers in Agter Bruyntjes Hoogte had begun to abandon their farms. granted east Bushmans river increased rapidly. By Ma;y 1793 were approximately 150 white families established the Zuurveld. ma;y also have increased drought of GqunuMnwebe pushed westwards Ndlambe and Langa. conflict erupted Xhosa retaliated Zwartkops river. Some families returned, Zuurveld was precasious a further 30 years. Second, it appears from the record of the conflict that the capture Xhosa cattle history of Graaff-Reinet (established as administrative district little doubt that the was, at of new commercial opportunities The white increased from 1793 and 3,937 in 1798 (83), faster than natural rate same period did the total slave population, 1798 average price of was between 500 rix pendix The figures % reliable, but indicate a 4 OO/o increase in the number of cattle, and an increase in the number of sheep of about 33%. least noteworthy Boersl commandos against Xhosa manifested itself at a after a lull the mid-1780s. 1793 coincided with depression at papnents of rent arrears the interior. 1795 burghers of Graaff-Reinet, had ousted their Landdrost explaining their quarrel with commercial rather than frontier. They complained of the prices attendant monopolization of by the Company's private trade with foreign ships governmentls which they coinage. As a result, "they1' had been forced their necessaries zYld threatened with them of its Its concern was genuine; not only improving its revenues fostering commerce (86), aware of importance of Graaff-Reinett It may observe that Griaff Reinet is of the utmost value and importance the Colony, sheep, from which we almost entirely would indeed their power other hand, it does not appear that they codcation with the Cape Town. (87) From 1795 to 1799 commercial prospects Colow whole were lifted immediately after over, and l!@' 1797 neutrals were trade freely provided not infringe monopoly of British East annua.1 average of higher than five-yea most pastoral products more (see Appendix 2.) By l800 there was gaxrison of 5,000 (88), whereas the total Company establishment in 1795 barely exceeded 1797 consumed 1,085,995 (90) received. (111) Duzing and after the war of 1793 there were reports "daily absconding" to join the Xhosa (112), and in 1794 was suggested that "discontented Hottentots" rather than were the Zuurveld. tension between masters Khoikhoi servants which agitated constituted district government 1795. have escaped and which all except three, would Ilowever, fragmented resistance of 1790s not erupt into rebellion until 1799, authorities were and military weakness British dragoons motives of deserters had been unclear 1790s, they became 1799: 'Restore', said Stum, tthe despoiled by have nothing lived very contentedly before these plunderers molested should we not so again, if ourselves?f (115) Notes S. D. Neumark, Economic Influences ~frich Frontier: 1652-1836 n tanf ford, 19571, pp 16, 42; Boxer, The Dutch Seaborne 19'731, p. 282. Neumark, op. cit., Guelke, "Frontier Settlement Early Dutch South Africa1', American Geographers, Mach 1976, pp. 25, 40-41. (I am indebted to Robert Ross for and the next.) L. Guelke and R. Cole Hamis, "Land and Society Africa", Journal of Historical Geomavhy, 1977, passim. S. Trapido, *'Landlord and Tenant in a Colonial Economy: the Transvaal, 1880- lylo", JsAs 5, 1, 1978. R. Elphick, Kraal and. Castle: Khoikhoi and the Foundiw White South Africa ale, 1977), passim. Ibid., pp. 168-9. Ibid., p. 171. 7 trade was subsequently forbidden again, - illegally. Ibid., chapter 2. S. Marks, "Khoisan Resistance to the Dutch in the 17th and 18th centuries", g, 1974. K. Crehan, "Khoi, Boer and missionary: an anthropologicd S-hdy of missio~ies", Manchester University, 1978, chapters 2 and 3. Ibid., pp. 51, 107. Ibid., PP. 90, 94. and a llbrand-glas" which he must surely have encountered before had he been in service. (52) God6e Molsbergen, 111, events which led Gqwmkhwebe, see Harinck, Soga, oo. cit., p. 119, Moodie, V, pp. 9-10. (54) Moodie, proper was area between and Bushmans colonists sometimes referred thus all the land lower Sundays (55) SP-, 11, P* 124. (56) Ibid., p. 125. l (57) Mais, op. cit., p. 6. l l (58) Moodie, 111, p. 18 n. (59) cf Elphick, pp. 180, 218. I (60) Moodie, 111, pp. 73-4. I (61) Sparrman, 11, pp. 233-235. people would Gonnemat S branch of 133-34. (62) D. G. van Reenen, oo. cit., pp. 84-5. (63) Spazman, 11, pp. of government appointed Mazks,kc. cit., p. 76, and Elphi-, chapter 9. 1 (64) El@ck,pp.238-9, ---- 15-17. I (65) Ibid., p. 32. 1 (66) Moodie, 111, p. 3. l I (67) D. G. van Reenen, op. cit. (68) Marks, loc. cit., p. 74. (69) SP-, 11, PP* 27, 34. Le Vaillant, 111, pp. 174, 178; Elphizjk, p. 28 n. (72) Elphick, p. 28 n. (73) Moodie, 111. (74) SP-, 11, P* 130. (75) Ibid., p. 113. See also Le Vaillant, 111, pp. 174, 178. (76) Ibid. (77) But see Masais, p. 83. (78) cf Marks, loc. cit., p. 75 (79) See Marais, passim, and Hermm Giliomee, "Khoikhoi, Colonists and Xhosa on the eastern frontier, 1770-1812" in H. Giliomee and R. Elphick (eds), The Shav- African Society (~ongmans, 1979). (80) Giliomee, loc. cit. (draft copy), note 81; Marais, op. cit., p. 96. and note 70; Moodie, 111, pp. 97, 112; Marais, pp. 10, 14, 24, 31, 43, 50-52, 60-62. (83) C. Beyere, Die Kaapse Patriotte, 1779-1791 (cape Town, 1929), p. 348; WO 1/325, Colonia Sec. to Craig, July 1796; Bazrow, 11, p. 377. (84) In 1778 there were ~231,025 32,468 cattle (~eyers, p. 348). By 1797 there were ~780,274 118,306 cattle (~01/325, loc. cit.) the Xhosa. ~01/324, Burghers of GraaffSleinet to Craig, 27 October 1795.