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The Dirty War:  1976-1983 The Dirty War:  1976-1983

The Dirty War: 1976-1983 - PowerPoint Presentation

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The Dirty War: 1976-1983 - PPT Presentation

Argentina Background The term Dirty War refers to the repression practices of the Military Junta between 1976 and 1973 According to Prosecutor Julio Strassera the term was a euphemism created by the junta to disguise its actions as legitimate military practice ID: 266195

junta military war personnel military junta personnel war created regime national media culture economic amnesty alfonsin disappearance held videla

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Slide1

The Dirty War: 1976-1983

Argentina:Slide2

Background

The term “Dirty War” refers to the repression practices of the Military Junta between 1976 and 1973.

According to Prosecutor Julio

Strassera

, the term was a “euphemism” created by the junta to disguise its actions as legitimate military practice.Slide3

The repressive practices that characterize the Dirty War (disappearances, torture) began as early as the sixties and were instrumental in the government of Isabel Peron.

Peron, under the influence of Jose Lopez

Rega

created the Anti-Communist Alliance (Triple A) a paramilitary death squad responsible for approximately 900 murders of leftists between 1973 and 1975.Slide4

The Junta

During the period, the country was ruled by four successive military juntas composed of the heads of the three branches of the armed forces (Army, Navy and Air-Force). In each junta the highest ranking General of the Army was named “President”

Jorge

Videla

(1976-1978)

Roberto Viola (1978-1981)

Leopoldo

Gatieri

(1981-2)

Alfredo Oscar Saint-Jean (1982-3)Slide5

Disappearances and Killings

The “National Reorganization Process” described its objectives as “

restor

[

ing

] the essential values that function as the foundation of the leadership of the State, with emphasis on a sense of morality, propriety and efficiency, essential for rebuilding the national image and substance, eradicating subversion and promoting the economic development of the nation.”

The military defined “subversion” very broadly, referring to not merely members of the

Montoneros

and other guerrilla movements but also any persons, institutions or cultural expressions with any leftist association whatsoever. Slide6

“The Enemies of The Fatherland are not only those who make up the anti-patriotic guerrilla in Tucuman. They are also those who change or deface the verb “to love” in school books; those ideologues who are in our universities poison the minds of our young people” (Lt. Colonel Juan Carlos Moreno 1976

)

“A terrorist is not just someone with a gun or a bomb, but also someone who spreads ideas that are contrary to Western and Christian civilization” Jorge

Videla

(

qtd

in

Nunca

mas

)Slide7

Disappearance was systematic and organized. Employed on a national scale with a complex bureaucracy.

The military created “war councils” to pass death sentences on suspected “subversives” usually after these

had already

been tortured.

The military created a clandestine, extrajudicial system of detention and disappearance including 340 Clandestine Detention

Centres

and the division of the country into zones and subzones in which repression occurred along a chain of command. Slide8

The procedure for “operations” was fairly stable, involving a coordinated system of cogs which split up tasks and diluted responsibilities.

The first step involved coordinating different repressive groups and getting a “Green light” from local police to proceed.

Once an area and target were selected the person was abducted from their home or in public (“swallowed”), blindfolded (“walled up”) and taken to a CDC where they were tortured for information and then either imprisoned indefinitely (“liberated”), disappeared (“transferred”) or became a member of the repressive personnel (“recuperated”)Slide9

Las madres

de la Plaza de Mayo

The “Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo” formed as early as 1977 from women seeking the whereabouts of their disappeared loved ones.

The group began holding weekly protests in front of the Casa

Rosada

, holding pictures and names of their loved ones and wearing white kerchiefs

In 1978 the group attracted international press attention due to the World Cup which was held in Argentina that year.

The group was joined by the “Grandmothers of the Plaza de Mayo”, formed by women inquiring into the whereabouts of children born in prison from women prisoners who were either pregnant when abducted or who became pregnant from rape. These children were eventually adopted into the families of high-ranking military personnel. Slide10

Art and Culture during the Regime

According to Eduardo Torres, the dictatorship viewed culture and education as potential

locus

for “subversive ideas”.

The regime prepared and carried out a detailed “culture strategy” entitled “special report 10” recommending centralization of all print media and communication except newspapers.

The Ministry of the Interior created a specific department to monitor communications and print media (General Office and Communications) which collected daily reports on media content and on content creators from other ministries and police. Slide11

The ministry’s job was to find elements deemed “Marxist” or “subversive”. The latter particularly broadly defined as anything that “Presumably questioned the Western and Christian way of life” (Torres 5)

Once identified as Marxist/Subversive the procedure varied from censorship to repression/disappearance of content creator. Slide12

Ironically, the Junta’s view of popular culture coincides with that of the Frankfurt School.

Art which received the most scrutiny tended to fall under the definition of “high culture” (Visual art, literature and theatre). Authors such as Nestor

Perlhoniger

and Juan

Gelman

and painters such as Carlos Alonso worked either in

clandestinity

or exile.

Popular culture was able to fly under the radar a lot more.

Comics,

inc.

newspaper strips and magazines (

historietas

) were able to publish criticisms of regime through the veil of science fiction/adventure.

Similarly, popular music’s association with North American rock aesthetics (Soda Stereo,

S

eru

Giran

) over folklore (Mercedes Sosa,

Quinteto

Tiempo

and Atahualpa

Yupanqui

) allowed it to have a media presence in Argentina even under the junta. Slide13

The Return to Democracy

By 1982 the regime was collapsing. The Latin American debt crisis and economic stagnation lead to increasing civil unrest resulting in a general strike in March.

Media footage of violent repressions of demonstrations increased international pressure.

In April, Argentina declared war with England over the Falkland Islands, a territory which had been in dispute by the two for over a century. The war lasted for 74 days and was a public and economic disasterSlide14

In 1983 the fourth junta held national elections. Prior to this they put in place an amnesty

law (

to prevent future prosecutions of human rights abuses.

Raul

Alfonsin

(Radical Party) was elected president in 1983. Two days after his election he repealed the amnesty law and started a judicial process to prosecute the junta leaders (Trial of the Juntas)

Alfonsin

put together the National Committee on the Disappearance of Persons to try to assess the human rights damage of the regime. CONADEP began collecting testimonies from victims and

survivors. They published the

Nunca

mas

report in 1984. Slide15

The Trial of the Juntas began on April 22 1985. Accused included

Videla

,

Massera

, Viola,

Galtieri

and five other high ranking military personnel.

This was the first war crimes trial held civil court in the west since Nuremberg.

Prosecutors heard 280 of the 709 cases brought forward and interviewed 833 witnesses. Slide16

Videla

and

Massera

were sentenced to life imprisonment. Viola received a sentence of 17 years.

As more cases against lower level military personnel poured in

,

and in response to military threats of a second coup,

Alfonsin

declared a “Ley de Punto Final” in

1986 giving a sixty day limit for cases to be brought forward.

The “Ley

de

obediencia

debida

was declared in

1987,

preventing lower level military personnel from being brought to trial. Slide17

But…

After a troubled presidency plagued by economic woes,

Alfonsin

was defeated by Carlos Menem in

1989.

Menem

signed

in an

Amnesty

Law in 1990

which pardoned not only lower level personnel but also the architects of the junta who were facing prison sentences. Slide18

Nestor

Kirschner

revoked the amnesty laws in 2003 and opened the way for more trials.

As of the present 259 convictions were held for crimes against humanity.