Disposable ties and the Urban poor - PDF document

Volume117Number5(March2012):1295–133512952012byTheUniversityofChicago.Allrightsreserved.0002-9602/2012/11705-0001$10.00DisposableTiesandtheUrbanPoorMatthewDesmondHarvardUniversitySociologistslonghaveobservedthattheurbanpoorrelyonkinshipnetworkstosurviveeconomicdestitution.Drawingonethnographiceldworkamongevictedtenantsinhigh-povertyneighborhoods,thisarticlepresentsanewexplanationforurbansurvival,onethatemphasizestheimportanceofdisposabletiesformedbetweenstrang-ers.Tomeettheirmostpressingneeds,evictedfamiliesoftenreliedmoreonnewacquaintancesthanonkin.Disposabletiesfacilitatedtheowofvariousresources,butoftenbondswerebrittleandeet-ing.Thestrategyofforming,using,andburningdisposabletiesallowedfamiliescaughtindesperatesituationstomakeitfromonedaytothenext,butitalsobredinstabilityandfosteredmisgivingsamongpeers.Howdotheurbanpoorsurvive?Whentheyobtainbasicnecessities,suchasfoodandclothing,shelterandsafety,howisitthattheydoso?AndIthankMustafaEmirbayerforhistirelessguidanceandsupport.JavierAuyero,JacobAvery,FelixElwert,HerbertGans,ColinJerolmack,ShamusKhan,MichaelMcQuarrie,AlexandraMurphy,AdamSlez,RuthLo´pezTurley,Lo¨cWacquant,Ed-wardWalker,WinnieWong,andtherefereesofferedsmartandsubstantivecom-mentsonpreviousdrafts.IalsoamindebtedtothepeopleImetinMilwaukee,fortheirpatienceandhospitality,andtothosewhoattendedseminarsatBrandeis,Co-lumbia,Harvard,theStateUniversityofNewYorkatBuffalo,theUniversityofTexasatAustin,andthe2010AmericanSociologicalAssociationannualconference,whereearlierversionsofthisarticlewerepresented.ThisresearchwassupportedbytheJohnD.andCatherineT.MacArthurFoundation,theU.S.DepartmentofHousingandUrbanDevelopment,theInstituteforResearchonPoverty,theNationalScienceFoun-dation,theAmericanPhilosophicalSociety,theFordFoundation,andtheHarvardSocietyofFellows.PleasedirectcorrespondencetoMatthewDesmond,DepartmentofSociology,HarvardUniversity,WilliamJamesHall,33KirklandStreet,Cambridge,Massachusetts02138.E-mail:mdesmond@fas.harvard.edu AmericanJournalofSociologyhowdotheyendurecommoncrises,suchaseviction,jobloss,theincar-cerationofabreadwinner,orthedeathofafamilymember?Sociologistslonghaveconsideredthesequestions—asdidEngels([1845]1892)inMan-chesterandBooth([1902–4]1970)inLondon—manyobservingthattogetbydestitutefamiliessupplementtheirincomesbyrelyingonrobustkinshipnetworks.IntheAmericancontext,thisexplanationwasartic-ulatedbyDuBoisinThePhiladelphiaNegro([1899]1996);wasextendedbyDrakeandCayton(1945)intheirambitiousstudyofChicago’sBlackMetropolis;wassupportedbyethnographicaccountsofworking-classwhiteethniccommunities(Kornblum1974;Gans1982);andwasgivenitsfullestandmostcarefultreatmentbyStack(1974)inAllOurKinDocumenting“extensivenetworksofkinandfriendssupporting[and]reinforcingeachother—devisingschemesforself-help,strategiesforsur-vivalinacommunityofsevereeconomicdeprivation”—Stackfoundthatpoorblackfamiliesimmersedthemselves“inacircleofkinfolkwhohelp[ed]them”(pp.28,29).Recently,however,anumberofstudieshavequestionedthesaliencyofkinsupporttoday.Low-incomefamilies,re-searchershavefound,areembeddedinrelativelysmallanddensenet-worksandliveincommunitiesinfusednotwithaspiritofsolidarityandmutualcooperationbutwithamoodofdistrustandnoncooperation(e.g.,Hartigan1999;Smith2007;Miller-CribbsandFarber2008).Butanal-ternativeexplanationtoStack’s,onethatdescribeshowthepoorsurviveifnotbyrelyingonmutualsupportamongfamilymembers,hasyettobedeveloped.Tobetterunderstandsomesurvivalstrategiesoftheurbanpoor,Iconductedayearlongethnographicstudy,livingintwolow-incomeMil-waukeeneighborhoods—amajority-whitetrailerparkandamajority-blackinner-cityneighborhood—andfollowingtenantsevictedfromtheirapartments.Byallowingmetoevaluatethedegreetowhichtenantsexperiencingacrisisdependedontheirfamilyandfriends,evictionpro-videdauniqueoccasiontostudythestructuresofpoorpeople’snetworksandtoevaluatehowthosenetworkshelpedfamiliesintimesofneed.Ifoundthat,afterbeingevicted,tenantsoftendidrelyonrelativesforsomekindofassistance;however,theyalsoconfrontedanumberofimpedi-mentswhenseekingaidfromkin.Asaresult,tomeettheirmostpressingneeds,evictedtenantsoftenreliedmoreondisposabletiesformedwithnewacquaintancesthanonastablenetworkofreliablekin.Theyestab-lishednewtiesquicklyandacceleratedtheirintimacy.Virtualstrangersbecameroommatesand“sisters.”Onceadisposabletiewasformed,allkindsofresourcesowedthroughit.Butthesebondsoftenwerebrittleandeeting,lastingonlyforshortbursts.Thisstrategyofforming,using,andburningdisposabletiesallowedfamiliescaughtinadesperatesitu-ationtomakeitfromonedaytothenext,butitalsobredinstabilityand DisposableTiesandtheUrbanPoorfosteredmisgivingsbetweenpeers.Thendingsofthisstudyholdseveralimplicationsforourunderstandingofsurvivalstrategiesandnetworkdynamicsamongtheurbanpoor.KINSUPPORTANDITSCRITICSStack(1974)emergedfromhereldworkintheFlats,thepoorestsectionoftheblackcommunityinanunnamedmidwesterncity,withreamsofethnographicdatadocumentinghowkinfolkhelpedoneanothersurvive.“PeopleintheFlatsareimmersedinadomesticwebofalargenumberofkinandfriendswhomtheycancounton,”shewrote.Thoseentwinedinsuchaweb“exchangevariousobjectsgenerously”andcontinuously,swappinggoodsandservicesonadailybasis(pp.93,33).Theseexchangenetworksdidlittletoliftfamiliesoutofpoverty—Stackwasclear-eyedaboutthesmotheringaspectsofdomesticties—buttheywereenoughtokeepthemaoat.ApotentethicofreciprocityandmutualobligationinfusedtheFlats,facilitatingthereproductionofreciprocalkinnetworks.“Incontrasttothemiddle-classethicofindividualismandcompetition,thepoorlivingintheFlatsdonotturnanyonedownwhentheyneedhelp....Thispowerfulobligationtoexchangeisaprofoundlycreativeadaptationtopoverty”(p.43).Thisobligationextendedfromday-to-daystrugglestomoreseverecrises,suchasdeathsandevictions.Sincetheirpublication,AllOurKin’sndingshavebeensupportedbyanumberofstudies,includingthosethathaveexpandedtheirscopebe-yondtheblackpoor(e.g.,Hogan,Hao,andParish1990;Nelson2000;´nguezandWatkins2003).Afterinterviewing379low-incomewhite,black,andHispanicsinglemothers,EdinandLein(1997,p.49)foundthatmanyofthoseonwelfare“managedtokeepthemselvesandtheirfamiliessafebyafliatingonlywithasmallgroupoftrustedfamilymem-bersandfriendswithwhomtheysharedtheirresources.”AndNewman’s(1999)ethnographyofHarlem’sworkingpoorreportedthat“manyinner-cityfamilies,especiallythemajoritywhoworktosupportthemselves,maintain...closelinkswithoneanother,preservingaformofsocialcapitalthathasallbutdisappearedinmanyanAmericansuburb”(p.However,anoutpouringofresearchhascastdoubtonthesaliencyofkinsupportamongtoday’surbanpoor,andtheblackurbanpoorinparticular.ForPatterson(1998),thereisaremarkable(andironic)incon-gruencebetweentheidealizationofstrongAfrican-Americankinshiptiesandtherealityofsuchties,amisinterpretationhereferstoas“themythofthehood.”“Thebestavailableevidence,”hewritesinreferencetotheGeneralSocialSurvey,“indicates[thatblacksdonot]havehigherin- AmericanJournalofSociologyvolvementwiththeirkinsmenandtheircommunities...[andthat]thenetworksofAfro-Americans[are]strikingforthelowproportionoftiesthat[are]kinsmen”(pp.162,152).Anotherstudy,basedon105interviews,hasdescribedtherelationshipsbetweenemployedandunemployedblackpeersandfamilymembersas“characterizedbyapervasivedistrustthatdeterredcooperation,”owinginnosmallparttothefactthattheformercouldsullytheirreputationbyvouchingforthelatter(Smith2007,p.3;seealsoElliottandSims2001).Whilesomesurvey-andinterview-basedresearchsuggeststhatwhitesreceivemorekinsupportthannonwhites(e.g.,Roschelle1997;SarkisianandGerstel2004),ethnographershavefoundthatpoorwhitesoftenformtenuousbondswiththeirkinsmenorareestrangedfromtheirfamily(Hartigan1999,p.105;BourgoisandSchonberg2009,pp.118,184).Giventhemountingevidenceagainstthesaliencyofkinsupportamongtheurbanpooringeneralandpoorblackcitydwellersinparticular,shouldwebegintreatingAllOurKinasaworkofhistory,asarecordofthewaythingsmightoncehavebeen?(SeeHogan,Eggebeen,andClogg1993,p.1454.)Althoughrecentstudieshavegeneratedahealthyamountofskepticismabouttheefcacyandprevalenceofkinsupportinpoorcommunities,alegitimatealternativeexplanationtoStack’shasyettobepresented.Analystsunconvincedbythekinsupportargumentremoveaunts,mothers,andcousinsfromthepicturebutfurnishintheirplacenosubstitute.Whatremainsistheabandonedindividual,lefttofacethemiseriesofpovertyalone.InBehindGhettoWalls(1970),Rainwaterputsitplainly:“PeopleinPruitt-Igoe[apredominantlyblackpublichousingprojectinSt.Louis]arecontinuallyconfrontingisolationasanalternativetotheriskoftroublethatcomesfromfullparticipationinrelationshipswithrelativesandfriends”(p.73;seealsoSmith2007,p.101).Ground-levelaccountsofpoorwhiteshavereachedsimilarconclusions.AsHowellwritesinHardLivingonClayStreet(1973),aninsightfulethnographyofalow-incomewhitecommunityinWashington,D.C.,“few[families]felttheyhadrootsanywhere....Mostpeoplecalledthemselves‘loners’”(pp.264,340)andstayedtothemselves.Therearenostations,then,betweenkinsupportandrawindividualism,embeddednessandisolation.Ifkinsupporthasbeenerodedinpoorneighborhoods,thentheirresidentsmustlearntogetbyontheirown.Yetalltheevidenceindicatesthatthisisnexttoimpossible.Theun-employmentrollsinpoorneighborhoodsteemwiththousands,andwhatthosefortunateenoughtobeemployedearnasjanitorsorsecurityguardsorMcDonald’semployeescannotaccuratelybecalled“aliving”(Newman1999;Ehrenreich2001).Themajorityofthoseemployedintheunder-groundeconomyassexworkers,drugdealers,andhustlersofallhueshardlyfarebetter.Manyfareworse(Bourgois1995;LevittandVenkatesh DisposableTiesandtheUrbanPoor2000).Andthevastmajorityofsinglemotherssimplycannotsurviveonwelfarealone.EdinandLein(1997)effectivelyhavedemonstratedthat,onaverage,welfare,foodstamps,andsupplementalsecurityincomepay-mentscoveronlyaboutthree-fthsofwelfaremothers’expenses.Evenafterattemptingtomakeupthedifferencebyworkingsidejobs,relyingonfamilymembers,andseekinghelpfromagencies,manymothersendureseverelevelsofmaterialhardship:goinghungry,forgoingwinterclothingandmedicalcare,livinginovercrowdedapartmentswithserioushousingproblems,andexperiencingeviction.Whatismore,sinceStackcarriedouthereldwork40yearsago,poorneighborhoodshaveslidfrombadtoworse.Recentdecadeshavewitnessedamassiveretrenchmentofpublicassistancetotheneedyandtheusurpationofwelfarepoliciesbymarketfundamentalism(Steensland2008;Wacquant2008).Welfarewasdeclaredafailureandreformed,pushingmanysinglemothersintolow-wageworkandincreasingtheirmaterialhardship(Hays2003;HandlerandHas-enfeld2007).Cityplannerswalkedawayfrompublichousingaround1975andinitiatedanewageoftheevictionnoticeandwreckingball,evenashousingcostsclimbedbysizableproportions(Goetz1993;Briggs2005).Allthiscoincidedwiththeprisonboom,whichhasgreatlyincreasedtheriskofincarcerationforpoormen,andpoorblackmeninparticular.WhenStackconductedherresearchinthelate1960s,ayoungblackmanwhodroppedoutofhighschoolhada17%chanceofservingtimeinprison.Today,hehasa60%chance(Western2006).Ifconditionshavebecomedecidedlyworsefortheurbanpoorsincemidcentury,howdotheyendureconditionsofsevereeconomicdepri-vationifdoingsosingle-handedlyisvirtuallyimpossibleandiftheirkinarenolongerasufcientsourceofsupport?Asmyndingssuggest,poorfamiliesoftenreliedon“disposableties”tomeetbasicneeds.Twosub-stantivesectionsfollowadiscussionofmyeldwork.Therstexploresseveralbarriersevictedtenantsconfrontedwhenseekingaidfromkin.Theseconddetailshowtenantsformed,used,anddiscardeddisposableties.Withrespecttothecoreargumentofthisarticle,Ifoundthatthesimilaritiesofwhiteandblacktenantsfaroutweighedthedifferences.Ihaverelegatedsomeobservationsofthosedifferencestothediscussionsection.There,Ialsotheorizetheconceptofdisposabletiesexplicitly,especiallyasitrelatestoGranovetter’s(1973)well-knownwritingsonweakties. AmericanJournalofSociologyFIELDWORKFromMaytoSeptember2008,IrentedatraileratGreenStreetMobileHomePark,averypoor,predominantlywhitetrailercourtinMilwaukee.Immediatelyafterthat,fromOctober2008toJune2009,Imovedintoaroominghouseinthecity’simpoverishedblackghetto.Duringthistime,Iconductedin-deptheldworkvedaysaweekduringtheaverageweek,spendingalldayandmuchoftheeveningobservingandparticipatinginpeople’severydaylives.AtleastsincethepublicationofTheTrulyDisadvantaged(Wilson1987),muchresearchonurbanpovertyhasfocusedexclusivelyontheblackpoorandtheplightofthecentralcity—somuchsothat“theurbanpoor”and“theblackpoor”oftenareusedinterchangeably—despitethefactthatmostpoorAmericanslivinginmetropolitanareasarewhite(DeNavas-Walt,Proctor,andSmith2010).Themultisiteddesignoftheethnographywaschosennotonlytofacilitatemeaningfulcomparisonsbetweenwhiteandblackfamiliesbutalsotoexpandconventionalconceptionsofurbanpovertybeyondtheblackinnercity.AlthoughpoorwhitefamiliescanbefoundthroughoutMilwaukee’sfarsouthside,thetrailerparkwasanidealethnographicsitebecauseitconcentrated(white)povertyinawaythatmirroredthe(black)inner-cityneighborhoodsclusteredonthecity’snorthside.Iestablishedrelation-shipswithseveralfamiliesinbothneighborhoods,someofwhomweregoingthroughaneviction.ElevenevictioncasesbecametheonesIfol-lowedmostcloselyandanalyzedmostcompletely(seetable1).involvedTeddy,52,awhite,half-paralyzedmanwhoreceiveddisability;hisroommate,Scott,39,anunemployedsinglewhitemanaddictedtoheroin;Larraine,54,awhitewomanwithtwoadultchildrenwhoreceiveddisability;PamandNed,32and41(respectively),awhitecouplewhotogetherraisedvechildrenbyworkingsidejobsforcash;Tina,40,awhitesinglemotherofthreewhoansweredphonesforalandscapingAllnamesarepseudonyms.SincemovingfromMilwaukee,IhavereturnedregularlyandhavekeptinclosecontactwithmanyfamiliesImetduringmyeldwork.Inthemoderneraofmobilephones,e-mail,andairtravel,oneoftendoesnot“leavetheeld”asmuchasgraduategraduallytoanotherphaseoftheethnographicprocess,thatoftranscribing,analyzing,andwriting.Today,leavingtheeldislessacuttingoneselfoffthanasplittingoneselfintoseveraldifferentpiecesandscatteringthemacrossanincreasinglyatworld.Toavoidspreadingmyselftoothin,IdidnotconducteldworkamongimmigrantsorpoorLatinos(seeMenj´var2000;Smith2006).Outsidethe(North)Americancontext,Auyero’s(2001)workinArgentinaandLomnitz’s(1977)workinMexicodirectlyanalyzesurvivalstrategiesamonglow-incomefamilies.Caseswereselectedtomaximizeethnographicdepthwhileincreasingvariationalongthelinesofrace,gender,age,employmentstatus,andfamilytypeaswellaswithrespecttoevictionexperience. DisposableTiesandtheUrbanPoorTABLE1EvictedTenants NameAgeRaceChildrenPrimaryIncomeSource Trailerpark:Teddy.......52White0DisabilityScott........39White0SideLarraine....54White2DisabilityPam*.......32White5SideNed*........41White5SideTina........40White3Part-timeworkInnercity:Crystal......19Black0DisabilityArleen......38Black6WLamar......48Black2DisabilityChester†....33Black2WMyesha†....33Black2SideVanetta.....21Black3W....44Black4DisabilityPatrice‡....24Black3Part-timeworkNatasha‡...19Black1Welfare Note.—Identicalsymbolsnexttonamesindicatethesamehousehold.companyduringthespringandsummer(receivingunemploymenttherestoftheyear);Crystal,19,ablackwomanwhoreceiveddisability;Arleen,38,ablackwomanandsinglemotherofsixwhoreceivedwelfare;Lamar,48,awheelchair-boundblackmanandsinglefatheroftwowhoreceivedwelfare;ChesterandMyesha,anAfrican-Americancouple(both33)whosupportedtwoteenagechildrenoffMyesha’swelfarecheckandsidejobsChesterpickedup;Vanetta,21,ablacksinglemotherraisingthreekidsonwelfare;andtheHinkstons,anAfrican-AmericanfamilysteeredbyDoreen,44,asinglemotheroffourwhoreceiveddisability,andbyhertwoadultchildren:Patrice,24,asinglemotherofthreewhoworkedpart-timeatCousinsSubs,andNatasha,19,asinglemotherofonewhoreceivedwelfare.Thewhitetenantswereevictedfromthetrailerpark,theblacktenantsfrominner-cityneighborhoods.Imettenantsevictedfromthetrailerparkbyvirtueofbeingneighbors.ImetArleen,Lamar,andtheHinkstonsthroughtheirlandlord,CrystalthroughArleen,andVanettathroughCrystal.ImetChesteronthestreet.ImetTina,Lamar,Crystal,andtheHinkstonsbeforetheyreceivedevic-tionnotices,Vanettaatahomelessshelteraftershehadbeenevicted,andtheremainingtenantsintheearlystagesoftheirevictionprocess.(Somewereevictedmultipletimesduringmyeldwork.)IbeganspendingdayOfthesinglemothersImet,onlyNatashaandTinareceivedregularsupportfromtheirchildren’sfathers.Lamardidnotreceivesupportfromhissons’mother. AmericanJournalofSociologyafterdaywiththesetenants.Eachday,Idecidedwheretogoandwithwhomtospendtimeonthebasisoftheintensityorimportanceoftheday’saction,givingmoreweighttoeventsIexpectedtoyieldthebiggestanalyticpayout(e.g.,evictioncourt,moving).Isatbesidefamiliesatevictioncourt;helpedthemmove;followedthemintosheltersandaban-donedhouses;watchedtheirchildren;atewiththem;sleptattheirhouses;attendedchurch,counselingsessions,AlcoholicsAnonymousmeetings,andChildProtectiveServicesappointmentswiththem;joinedthematbirthsandfunerals;andgenerallyembeddedmyselfasdeeplyaspossibleintotheirlives.IfollowedtwofamiliesbeyondMilwaukee,travelingtoTexaswithone,toIowawithanother.Alongtheway,Imettenants’familymembers,friends,loversandex-lovers,pastors,caseworkers,anddopesuppliers.Ibegantalkingandspendingtimewithmanyofthesepeopleaswell.Notonlydidthisapproachallowmetoexploresocialsupportandnetworkdynamicsfrommultiplevantagepoints,butitalsopermittedmetodouble-andtriple-checktheaccuracyofwhatoneactortoldmewiththeobservationsandstatementsofothers—atechniquethatbolsteredthevalidityofmydata.Mostofthetime,IcarriedadigitalrecorderintheeldsoastoallowmetocapturethedetailsandnuancesoftheinteractionsIobserved.Atalltimes,Icarriedanotepadandwrotedownobservationsandconver-sations.Intheevenings,Iwouldtransferjottingsfrommynotebookstothecomputerandwouldwriteabouttheday’sevents.Notlongafterbeginningmyeldwork,Ibeganpayingcloseattentiontowhomtenantsreliedonforhelp.Ianalyzedtheseobservationsduringandaftermyeldwork.Ididnotrelyonanyqualitativedatasoftware.Rather,guidedbythesetofresearchquestionsthatopenedthisarticle,Ibeganlisteningtohundredsofhoursofrecordedinteractionsandporingoverthousandsofpagesofeldnotes,readingandrereading,until,havingbecomein-timatewithmydata,theobservationsonwhichthisessay’sargumentrestsemergedandcohered.Duringeverydayconversation,peopleinthetrailerparkandtheinnercityclaimedtohavenofriendsoranabundanceofthem,tobesurroundedbysupportivekinsmenorestrangedfromthem.Oftentimes,dependingontheirmood,theiraccountsofsocialtiesandsupportvariedwidelyfromonedaytothenext.Icametoviewtheseaccountsskeptically,interpretingthemasakindofdataintheirownrightbutnotasaccurateevaluationsofpeople’ssocialrelationships(cf.Liebow1967,p.144).Net-workanalystshavedemonstratedthatrespondents’accountsoftheirper-sonaltiestendtobehighlyinaccurate(seeFreeman,Romney,andFree-man1987;Marsden1990).Studiescomparingsurveydataonsocialnetworkswithdatagatheredbyothermeanshaveconcludedthattheformerrarelyalignwiththelatter,leavingoneresearchteamtoconclude DisposableTiesandtheUrbanPoorthat“peopledonotknow,withanyacceptableaccuracy,towhomtheytalkoveranygivenperiodoftime”(Bernard,Killworth,andSailer1981,p.15).Problemsarisenotonlywhendeterminingisinone’snetworkbutalsowhenaskingwhatthosepeople—andwhatonedoesforthem(FerligojandHlebec1999).Ifgivingincreasesone’ssenseofself-worthandreceivingdiminishesit—ladlingsoupattheSalvationArmyevokesaverydifferentfeelingthanhavingitladledintoone’sbowl—thenwewouldhavegoodreasontoexpectrespondentstooverestimatetheamountofsupporttheygiveandunderestimatetheamounttheyreceive.Itisoftenthecase,therefore,thatstatementsaboutsocialsupportrevealmoreaboutthepublicpersonaonewishestomaintainthanaboutthenatureofthesupportitself.Ethnographyaffordsthesociologisttheabilitytodistinguishaccountsofactionfromtheactionitself(Whyte1943),andeviction,moreover,providedauniqueoccasiontoanalyzesocialnetworks.Intheaftermathofeviction,Iwasabletocomparewhatpeoplesaidaboutthesupporttheyreceivedfromfriendsandfamilywithsupporttheyactuallyreceivedduringthatdifculthour,recordingindetailtheinnerworkingsofpeople’ssocialnetworks.EvictionfunctionedasamomentoftruthduringwhichIcouldcloselymonitorwhomtenantscalledonforhelpandhowsupportwasextendedorwithheld.Ithadawayofquickeningties,testingrelationships,andrevealingcommitments(orthelackthereof),therebydrawingtothesurfacewhatoftenissubmergedbelowthelevelofob-Atthesametime,however,onemightspeculatethat,byandlarge,thekinsupportevictedtenantsreceiveislikelytobedecidedlyweakerthanthatreceivedbynonevictedtenantsinpoorneighborhoods.Infollowingevictedfamilies,haveIselectedonthe“worstcases”?Evictedtenantsareanespeciallydestitutegroup,tobesure,butperhapsnomoresothanothersubpopulationsoftheurbanpoor:includinghomelessfamiliesorthoserecentlyreleasedfromprison.Itisimportanttorecognize,too,thatevictionisquitecommonplaceinlow-incomeneighborhoods,especiallyinner-cityAfrican-Americanareas.Analystshavesuggestedthat,nation-wide,severalmillionevictionstakeplaceeachyear(HartmanandRob-inson2003).Inhigh-povertyMilwaukeeneighborhoods,wheremorethan40%ofthepopulationlivesatorbelow150%ofthepovertyline,onerenter-occupiedhouseholdin14isevictedthroughthecourtsystemeachyear.Afteranalyzingcourtrecords,IestimatedthatlandlordsevictOnecouldjustasreasonablyspeculatethatkinsupportwouldbeonfullestdisplayduringintervalsofincreasedneed,suchasperiodsofhomelessnessfollowingeviction.Iffamilymembersinfactdidnothelponeanotherweatherthehardtimes,kinsupporthardlycouldbeconsideredaneffectivemeansbywhichtheurbanpoorsurvive. AmericanJournalofSociologyroughly16,000adultsandchildrenfromroughly6,000Milwaukeeapart-mentsinanaverageyear(Desmond2012).(Theseguresarequitecon-servativeastheydonotcountinformalevictionsthatoccurbeyondthepurviewofthecourt.)Eviction,therefore,affectsalargesegmentofthelow-incomepopulation,notanegligiblecollectionofthepoorestofthepoor.Moreover,whilesomepoorfamiliesarerelativelystablemuchofthetimeandsomearerelativelyunstablemuchofthetime,manyoscillatebetweenperiodsofstabilityandinstability,driftingfromsecuritytodes-perationandbackagain(seeBlack2009).Accordingly,todividetheurbanpoorintoasetnumberof“sharplybounded,internallyhomogeneous‘groups’”(BrubakerandCooper2000,p.28)—theunstable(whogetevicted)andthestable(whodonot),“worstcases”and“normalcases,”asitwere—wouldbetomisrecognizeaspermanentandimmutablethatwhichisregularlytransitoryandtenuous.ItwouldbetocommitwhatElias(1978,p.112)calls“process-reduction”:“thereductionofprocessestostaticconditions.”Stabilityandinstability,securityanddesperation:thesearenotxedstatesasmuchastemporaryconditionspoorfamiliesexperienceforvaryingperiodsoftime.Similarly,inmanycasesitwouldbesomewhatsuspecttodivide“normallife”inimpoverishedurbanneigh-borhoodsfromperiodsofexigency(suchasevictionorincarceration),forthelatterfrequentlycharacterizetheformer.Peoplelivingindisadvan-tagedneighborhoods,“wheresocialproblemsgatherandfester”(Wac-quant2008,p.1),oftennavigatethroughgnarledthicketsofintercon-nectedmisfortunes.Themurderofalovedonecanleadtodepression,whichcanleadtojobloss,whichcanleadtoeviction,whichcanleadtohomelessness,whichcanintensifyone’sdepression,andsoon(seePleas-enceetal.2007).Insteadofsortingtheurbanpoorintoahandfulofpresetcategories,amoreaccuraterenderingoftheincrediblediversityamongthispopulationmaybethatofacontinuumofstabilityonwhichpeoplemovebackandforth.Itmightbesaidthatthesendingsbestapplytothose“goingthroughathing,”segmentsoftheurbanpoorsufferingthroughperiodsofhardship,owingtoevictionorotherconsequentialevents(e.g.,jobloss,relationshipdissolution).Butthesehardshipsreg-ularlybesetmanylow-incomefamilies,fortheurbanpoortodayaresodestitute,soshornofpublicsupport,theyseemsalwaystobe“goingthroughathing.”Thelivedexperienceofpovertyoftenisthatofcon-frontingonecrisisafteranother. DisposableTiesandtheUrbanPoorEXTENDINGANDWITHHOLDINGKINSUPPORT“WhenfamiliesorindividualsintheFlatsareevicted,otherkinsmenusuallytakethemin,”Stack(1974,p.91)statedplainly.ForsomeinMilwaukee,thiswasthecaseaswell.WhenTeddywasservedanevictionnoticeafterpaying$507forx-raysandabrainscan—hehadsufferedanear-fatalfalloffthe16thStreetViaductbridgeayearbeforewemetandhadsufferedchronicneckandbackproblemseversince—hissister,wholivedinTennessee,tookhimin.Othersbenetedfromkinsupportaswell.AfterChesterandMyeshawereevicted,theywenttheirseparateways:MyeshatakingherdaughterstoLongBeachtolivewithhermother,ChesterheadingforSanAntonio,wherehewouldsleeponhisuncle’scouchinthedayandhelphimpeddlecrackthroughoutthenight.AfterLarrainewasevicted,shemovedinwithherolderbrother,Beaker,stayingthereuntilherelocatedafewmonthslatertoanassisted-livingfacility.Tomakerent,Vanettaparticipatedinastickup.Shewasarrestedand,later,evicted(and,evenlater,convicted).Afterbeingsentencedto18monthsinprison,Vanettasentherthreechildrentolivewithhersister.AndDoreen,Patrice,andNatashaHinkstondependedheavilyoneachother,combiningtheirincomestomeetbasicneeds.Helparrivedinlesstangibleformsaswell.Crystal,whowasraisedinthefostercaresystem,oftencalledhermother,aformercrackaddict,foradvice.Butwhenshewasatherlowest,Crystaldialedher“spiritualmom,”Ms.Shauntell,anolderwomanwhoattendedherchurch,breakingintotearsasMs.Shaun-tellwhisperedprayersorspokeintonguesovertheline.Scott,too,oc-casionallycalledhismother,ahospitalhousekeeperinruralIowa.Scotttriedtohidefromherthefactthathewasbrokeanddailyplunginganeedleintothefatarteryofhisneck,butsometimeshecouldn’tholditallin.Once,drunkandhigh,hedialedhismom.“Mom,”hewascrying.“I’msorry.I’mamess.I’mafuckingmess.”Ididnotmeetasingleevictedtenantwhocopedwiththeaftermathofherorhisevictionsingle-handedly,asabandonedindividualists,forextendedperiodsoftime(cf.EdinandLein1997,p.42).EverytenantImetreliedonkinfolkforsomekindofassistance.Yettomeettheirmostpressingneeds(e.g.,food,shelter,childcare),tenantsoftenreliedmoreextensivelyondisposabletiesthanonrelatives.Tobetterunderstandwhy,itisnecessaryrsttoexplorebarriersevictedtenantsconfrontedwhenseekingaidfromkin.Whensomeonesolicitedhelpfromkinsmenoccu-pyingasimilarrungonthesocioeconomicladder,sheorheconfrontedadifferentsetofobstaclesthanwhensolicitinghelpfromkinsmenafewrungsup.WhileboththetrailerparkandtheinnercitywerespatiallyandsociallyisolatedfromMilwaukee’smiddle-classneighborhoods,mostresidentsofeachareabelongedtoeconomicallyheterogeneousfamily AmericanJournalofSociologynetworks(cf.Wilson1987;RankinandQuane2000).Scott’soldersisterspentmostofhermoneyonalcohol,whilehisyoungersisterspentmostofhersonanupcomingweddingandthemortgageforamodesthouse.Vanettahadamotherinahomelessshelterandasiblinginthesuburbs.AndalthoughmostofArleen’scousinsweredownandout,AuntMerva,havingretiredasaschoolcounselor,wasnanciallystable.ItwasAuntMervawhohadpaidforArleen’smother’sfuneralandwhosometimeschippedinsothatthegasorlightswouldbeturnedbackon.EachevictedtenantImetwasenveloped,tovaryingdegrees,withinakinnetworkcomprisingbothlateralties(betweenpeopleoccupyingrelativelysimilarpositionsonthesocioeconomicladder)andverticalties(betweenthoseoccupyingqualitativelydifferentpositions).BarrierstoKinSupport:LateralTiesAtspecialevents,suchashospitalvisits,funerals,orfamilyreunions,kinsupport,especiallyintheblackcommunity,appearedaliveandvigorous.RoughlyamonthafterArleenwasevicted,her39-year-oldcousin,Ter-ence—everyonejustcalledhim“T”—wasshotandkilled.Inablacksuitandtie,IpickedupArleenandthetwochildrenwholivedwithher,Jori(age14)andJafaris(age6),andwedrovetoPitt’sMortuary.Thesanc-tuarybustledwithfamilymembers.TeenagersandyoungwomenworepersonalizedshirtswithT’sfaceor,disturbingly,thefaceofanotherfamilymemberwhorecentlywasmurdered.Youngmenweredressedincrispbluet-shirtswithmatchingbandanas.Grandmothersandgrandfatherswerethereincreamorbrownsuitswithmatchingfelthats.AndtheyallseemedtosurroundArleenandherboyswithwarmth.Themostrousingmomentinthesermon,theonethatgarneredtheloudestresponse,waswhenthepreacherboomed,raspyandimpassioned,“Whathashappenedtotheloveamongstus?Whathashappenedtotheconcern?...Can’tnobodyhelpusbut!...Wedon’tneedanotherprogram,weneedtopullourpantsupandtakebackourcommunityoutofloveandrespect,anddoitourselves!”Andloveandrespectwereprofessedagainandagainbyfamilymembers.“Arleenlikemysister,”Kacee,themotherofoneofArleen’sbrother’schildren,toldme,slingingherarmaroundArleen’sneck.“Wegowayback.I’ddoanythingforthisgirl.”ArleensmiledandpitchedherheadintoKacee’sshoulder.Afuneralwasperhapsanoddplacetobeam,butthiswasexactlywhatArleendid.Sincehereviction,Arleenusuallyappeareddepressed—andwaschronicallydepressed(ofciallydiagnosedinherteens)—andover- DisposableTiesandtheUrbanPoorwhelmedbytheweightofhercircumstances.Althoughduringthewake,funeral,andrepastshewasvisiblydistraughtanddeeplydisturbedoverT’smurder,Arleenalsowasthrilledtobeembracedbytheaffectionateandknowingarmsofkin.YetIknewinsidewhatArleenknew:thatallthiswasabitofacharade,atemporaryandmaudlinperformanceoffamilythatwoulddissipateshortlyafterTwaslaidintheground.Arleen’sfamilymembers,Kaceeincluded,hadtenderedlittlesupportduringandafterhereviction.Noneofthemhadgonetocourtwithher.Nonehadofferedtohelphermakerent.Nonehadopenedtheirhomestoherandherboys.Nonehadofferedtohelpherndanotherplacetolive.hereviction,Arleenhadbeenstaying,notwithkin,butatashelterinWaukesha,atown18mileswestofMilwaukee.Atthefuneral,Arleenhadallowedherselftoenjoyakindofprovisionalkincommunity.Thenextday,noonewascalling.IaskedArleenwhyallthosefamilymembers,whohadappearedsokindyesterday,hadnothelpedheravoidorcopewithhereviction.Shefrownedatmyquestionbutnallyreplied,“Idon’tknow.Theyjustfunnylikethat.Theydon’tneverhelpmeout.”Farfromextendingahelpinghand,Arleen’sfamilyoftenwasthecauseofsuffering.Twasgunneddownnotbyarivalgangmemberorbysomeanonymousstrangerbutbyhisowncousin.Tenantsconfrontedanumberofbarrierstokinsupport.Insomecases,crucialkintiessimplydidnotexist.ThiswasthecaseforpeoplelikeCrystal,whointheiryouthpassedfromonefosterhometoanother.Italsowasthecaseforthosewithabsenteeordeadrelatives.Doreen’smotherdiedwhenshewasfour.Arleen’smother,rememberedfondlyasherbestfriend,diedtwoyearsbeforehereviction.Inothercases,kinnetworksweretooresourcedeprivedortroubledtoserveasreliablesourcesofsupport.(Dysfunction,ofcourse,isnotuniquetolateralties.)Pam’sfatherwasanalcoholicandrecentlyhadbeenarrestedonhisfourthDUIcharge.AndsincemovingfromtheCabriniGreenhousingprojectsinChicago,Vanetta’smotherhadbouncedfromonesheltertothenext;stillhomeless,shewasinnoshapetohelpVanettaandherchildren.Sometimes,too,structuralorlegalconstraintsthwartedkinsupport.Familymembers“onpaper”(onparole),whoseapartmentsregularlywereinspectedbyparoleofcers,werehesitanttotakeindestitutekin.Thelattercouldthemselvesbeontherunfromthepolice(asNedwas)orcouldbeinvolvedincriminalactivity—factorsthatthreatenedtoexac-Once,afterridinginsilencewithArleenforseveralminutes,Iaskedherwhatshewasthinkingabout.“HowIgonnafeedmykidstonight,”sheanswered.Withoneexception:monthsafterhereviction,Arleenborrowed$70fromherbrother,adrugdealer,soshecouldaffordasecuritydepositonanapartment.Intheend,themoneywasusedtomakedailyendsmeet. AmericanJournalofSociologyerbatetheparolee’splight(seeGoffman2009).ThiswaswhyCrystalbelievedherfavoriteaunt,AuntRhoda,withwhomshehadlivedforveyearsduringherchildhood—thelongestshehadlivedwithanyone—refusedtoopenherdoortoher.AuntRhodahad“caughtacase”forherson,hisdopefoundinherapartment,andwasservingtwoyearsonparole.Knowingthis,Crystalaskedifshecouldsleepoutsideonherporch.AuntRhodarefusedthepitiablerequest.AndafterPatricewasevicted,shemovedinwithhermother,Doreen.ThisirkedDoreen’slandlord,asthreeadultsandvechildrenlivinginamodesttwo-bedroomapartmentmadeforovercrowdedconditions.“Ican’thaveallthosepeoplelivinginmyapartmentlikethat,”thelandlordtoldme.“I’mgonnaevicteverybodyouttahere.”Notlongafterthat,sheservedDoreenwithanevictionnotice.Oneconsequence,then,ofevictionwasacompoundingeffectthatresultedwhenevictedtenantsreliedontheirpoorfamilymem-bersforaplacetolive,therebystrainingthelatter’sresourcesandex-acerbatingtheirownriskofeviction.Incasessuchasthese,evictionresultedinnegativeconsequences,notonlyfortheevictedtenantbutalsoforthosewithinthetenant’skinnetwork,acyclethataggravatedcon-ditionsofurbanpovertyandpunishedkinwhoextendedsupport.BarrierstoKinSupport:VerticalTiesDifferentbarrierspresentedthemselvestotenantsseekingsupportthroughverticalties.Tenantsweresometimeschastised,infantilized,andturnedawaywhensolicitinghelpfrompoorkin,butthisseemedtohappenmoreoften,andmorepiercingly,aftertheyapproachedbetter-offfamilymembers(cf.Stack1974,pp.77–78;EdinandLein1997,p.189).Thiswasespeciallythecasewhenthelattergrewexhaustedbyrepeatedre-questsforhelp.MostofLarraine’smiddle-classrelativeswithheldsupportduringherevictionbecausetheyfeltthatshehadusedtheminthepastandthatshedidnotmakesmartnancialdecisions.WhenLarraine’sministercontactedhersister,Susan,andtoldherthatLarrainehad“askedformoneyagain”(SusanandLarraineattendedthesamechurch),Susantoldhim,“Igottabehonestwithyou.Idon’tthinkyoushouldgiveittoher.”Afterthishappened,IscheduledahaircutwithSusan’sdaughter,Sammy,andwebegandiscussingheraunt’splight.“Yousee,”Sammytoldme,herscissorsworking,“wedon’twantourchurchtojust,youknow,giveLarrainemoney.Again....BecausemyAuntLarraineisStructuralandlegalconstraintsofthissortserveasrealbarrierstokinsupport,buttheyalsoserveasconvenientexcusesforkindisinclinedtohelp.ItishardtoknowifAuntRhodawasfollowingtherulesreluctantlyorifshewasusingthoserulestokeephernieceatbay. DisposableTiesandtheUrbanPooroneofthosepeoplewhowillsee,youknow,some$200beautycreamthatremovesherwrinklesandgoandbuyitinsteadofpayingtherent....AndIdon’tknowwhyshe’saskingthechurchformoney.ShewaslivingwithBeaker[Larraine’sbrother]forallthattimeand,fromwhathetellsme,shewasn’tpayinghimallthetime,either.So,Idon’tknowwhereallhermoneywasgoing.”Sammylookedup,oureyesmeetinginthemirror.“Idon’tknowwhyshejustdoesn’tsticktoabudget.”Middle-classkinwhofelttheyhaddonetheirbit—afterbeingevictedseveralyearsago,LarrainelivedwithSammyforabriefperiod—oftenwereunwillingtoextendfurthersupport.Theyjustiedtheirrefusaltohelpbyattributingtheirrelatives’misfortunestoindividualfailings,suchastheinabilitytobudget.Savvytenantsstudiedrelatives’limitsandattemptedtoapproachthemwithoutcrossingtheline.Tiestobetter-offkinwerebanked,savedforemergencysituationsorsocialmobilityopportunities,andmanywerecarefulnottooverdrawtheiraccount.WhenArleenrushedJafaristothehospitalbecausehewashavingbreathingproblems,AuntMervaagreedtocoverhistreatment.Butjustweekslater,ChildProtectiveServicesremovedJafarisfromArleen’scareafterlearningthatherlightshadbeencutoff.Jafariscouldreturn,thecaseworkerhadsaid,oncetheelectricitywasrestored.Witharentof$600andawelfarecheckof$628,Arleenneededtocomeupwithapproximately$100.Iaskedherhowshewasplanningtogetit.“I’llprobablyaskmyauntie[AuntMerva],”shereplied,herwordsburdened.“ButshejustpaidforJafaris’shospitalbilllastweek.SoI’mgonnahearaboutit.”Poortenantsoftenincurredapsychologicalcost—apricktotheirself-worth,oftenalreadyintatters—whentheyapproachedbetter-heeledkins-men.Whentheyaskedforhelp,oftentheywould“hearaboutit,”andtheytiredofthis.Andso,whenthenextcrisisarrived,theyoftenavoidedcallingonthem.Theresultwasthatfamilymembersinthebestpositiontohelpusuallywerenotaskedtodoso.ConsiderDoreen,theyoungestofninechildren.Twoofhersiblingsweredead.Theremainingwereeachbetteroffthanshewas.Johnwasatruckdriver.Josephinewasmarriedtoapoliceofcer.Vanessaworkedinabank.ButDoreendidnotseektheirhelpduringherevictionorthedifcultmonthsthatfollowed.WhenIaskedherwhy,shereplied,“Theyjustso...,”Doreenpaused,searchingAsignicantportionofLarraine’s$714monthlydisabilitycheckwasgoingtoEagleMoving,thecompanythatlockedLarraine’sbelongingsintobondedstorageafterhereviction.Topreventherthingsfrombeingauctionedorjunked,LarrainehadpaidEagleMoving$375shortlyafterhereviction,paying$125instoragefeeseverysub-sequentmonth.BeakerdidnotchargeLarrainerent,butheaskedhertopayhiscableandphonebills.Bothbillswereinthered.So,onemonthLarrainepaid$500toreinstatetheservices. AmericanJournalofSociologyfortheword;then,“.Youknow?AndIdon’twannagetanotherInsomecases,middle-classindividualssimplydidnotknowhowtohelp,ortheydidnotexertmuchthoughtaboutit,ortheyafxedtotheirsupportstipulationsunderstoodbytheirlow-incomekinsmentobedealbreakers.“Mom,I’mamess,”Scottblurtedoutoverthephone.Apartialconfessionfollowed,asScotttoldhismotherabouthisdrinking(butnottheheroin)andaboutlosinghisnursinglicenseaftergettinghookedonpainkillers.Sheknewnoneofit.Uptothispoint—itwasAugust—ScotthadnotspokentohismothersincelastChristmasandhadnotseenherinovertwoyears.ButbeforeScottcouldnish,hismothercuthimoff,failingtorealize,perhaps,thatittookquitealotofdetermination(andalcohol)forScotttodialall10numberswithouthangingupattheseventhorninthdigit,asheusuallydid.Sheexplainedthatshewasinavanfullofrelativesandcouldnottalkatthemoment.Theywereallgoingcampingfortheweekend.“But,Scott,”shesaidbeforehangingup,“youknowthatyoucanalwayscomehome.”ButScottknewbetter.HowcouldhegettoIowawithnocarandnomoneyforatrainticket?Andhowcouldhendherointhere?Afteraday,“thesick,”ashecalledit,wouldstartworkingitswaythroughhisbody.Plus,goinghomeandaskingforhelpwouldbemortifying—thosepity-lledeyesofhisaunts,cousins,andgrandparents—asjudgmentandshamewouldcoverhimlikeacasing.“Imean,Icouldgobackhome,”Scottthoughtoutloudaswewalkedthroughagrocerystore.“But,damn,I’m40fuckingyearsold,andIneedtogobackhometo[town],Iowa?...But,then,I’dhavetogobackandtellthem,youknow,thatIfuckedmywholefuckinglifeup.”Monthslater,inFebruary,Scottdidgohome,butjustforatwo-dayvisit.Iwentwithhim.WestayedwithScott’smother,visitedhisgrand-motherinthenursinghome,andplayedvideogameswithhisteenagednieces.WewatchedPattymodelhernewweddingdress.Oneeveningaftervisitingrelativesinaneighboringtown,ScottandIdrovetogetherbacktohismother’shouse.Hestaredsilentlyatthesnow-blanketedcornandsoybeaneldsunderahalf-moonedskybeforeoffering,“MaybeifIstayedhere,stayedmoregrounded,allthataddictionstuffneverwouldhavetookhold.”“...Whengoingthroughaddictionstuff,didyoueverreachouttofamily,trytogohome?”Scottshookhishead.“Whynot,youthink?”“Lookat’em.”Scottturnedtowardme,thecornersofhismouthup-ticked.“Theywouldn’tknowwhattodo....Howmuchhelpcouldtheypossiblybe?” DisposableTiesandtheUrbanPoorScottwentontotellmethataftercallinghismotherandconfessingthathewasamess,hecalledherbackthefollowingday,explainingthathewasdoingbetter,seeingacounselor,andtakingmedication.“So[yourmom]doesn’tknowwhatyou’rewrestlingwith.Shejustknowsyou’rewrestlingwithsomething?”Iasked.“...Doessheknowabouttheeviction?”Before,during,andafterourtrip,Scottaskedfornothing,choosinginsteadtoletonasthoughhislifewasinorder,evenasitwasdevolvingintoafesteringmessofdrugabuseandhomelessness.DISPOSABLETIESIfevictedtenantsencounteredanumberofbarrierstokinsupport,towhomdidtheyturnafterbeingputoutoftheirhomes?Theansweristhattheydependedheavilyondisposableties.Bydisposableties,Imeanrelationsbetweennewacquaintancescharacterizedbyacceleratedandsimulatedintimacy,ahighamountofphysicalcopresence(timespenttogether),reciprocalorsemireciprocalresourceexchange,and(usually)arelativelyshortlifespan.Analystsconventionallyhaveconceivedofagentsconnectedbystrongties,thosebetweenintimates(e.g.,bestfriends,spouses),orbyweakties,thosebetweenacquaintances(e.g.,coworkers,distantrelatives),asexhibitingreciprocalsupportinproportiontothestrengthofthetie(Granovetter1973).Moreisexpectedofstrongties,whereasweaktiestendtobeusedmoresparingly(ifoftenwithsignicantrewards,e.g.,employmentinformation).ButinthepoorneighborhoodsinwhichIlived,strongtiesoftenweretreatedlikeweakones,disposabletieslikestrongones.Althoughtheymayhaveknownoneanotheronlyforamatterofdays,virtualstrangersmovedinwitheachother,pooledtheirmoneytobuyfoodandfurniture,anddisciplinedeachother’schil-dren.Resourcesnecessaryforsurvivalweretransferredthroughdispos-ableties,butinthemajorityofcases,theserelationshipswereshort-lived.Howdidevictedtenantsformdisposableties?Howwerethetiesused?Andwhatmechanismsseveredthem?Thefollowingthreesubsectionstakeupthesequestionsinturn.BeforeIturntothem,however,abriefwordofclaricationisinorder.Manydynamicsdescribedbelow—acceleratedandsimulatedintimacy,rivalryandduplicitybetweenpeers—canbeobservedatalllevelsofsociety.Thetendencytorelyonperfectstrangersforemotionalcomfort,forexample,isfairlycommonamongthemiddleclass,asevidencedbytheso-calledstrangeronaplanephenomenoninvolvingahighdegreeof AmericanJournalofSociologyself-disclosurebetweenpassengerswhohaveknownoneanotheronlyforthedurationoftheight(Rubin1975).Infact,sinceAdamSmith([1776]1991),thinkershavemarveledattheinterdependenceamongnonintimatesdemandedbymodernlife(Wirth[1938]1967;Loand1973).Asoneecon-omist(Seabright2004)hasargued,“complexmutualdependenceamongstrangers”isessentialtohumanourishing,nottomentionbeing“aphe-nomenonasremarkableanduniquelyhumanaslanguageitself”(pp.2,1).Itwouldbemisguided,then,tosuggestthatrelianceondisposabletiesisparticulartopoorpeople.Whatisparticulartopoorpeopleis,ofcourse,poverty.Whereasmiddle-andupper-classpeoplemightrelyondisposabletiesforsocialadvancement,nancialtransactions,services,sex,andavarietyofotherthings,itisonlythepoorwhoroutinelyrelyondisposabletiestomeetbasichumanneeds,suchashousingandfood.Thisentailsplacingweightydemandsonstrangers.Althoughpoorpeo-ple’sstrategyofrelyingondisposabletiestosurviveconditionsofseveredestitutionisnotdifferentinkindfromthetendencyofmiddle-classorwealthypeopletorelyonstrangers,itoftenisdifferentindegree.FormingTiesHowdoesonegoaboutformingadisposabletie?Answersappearendless.ScottmetMikeataCocaineAnonymousmeeting.MikeintroducedScotttoPito,whointroducedhimtoDavid,a19-year-oldgangmemberwithwhomScottroomedafterhiseviction.AfterBeakermovedintoanassisted-livingfacility,LarraineaskedBetty,anelderlywomanwhomshebarelyknew(theymetinthetrailerpark),ifshecouldsleeponhercouch.Bettysaidyes,andLarrainestayedwithherforthebetterpartofayear.ArleenmetTrishaafterthelattermovedintotheupperunitoftheduplexfromwhichArleenwouldbeevicted.ArleenwouldlatercirclebacktothatveryduplexandlivewithTrishaforroughlytwomonths.Peopleformedtiesinthemostpedestrianofplaces,placesonemightnotexpecttobepropitioustostrikingupnewrelationships.Totakebutoneexample:whilehomelessafterhereviction,Crystalmetawoman,Patricia,atabusstopoutsidealiquorstore.Theywereroommatesbytheday’send.OneinitiallyistemptedtoconcedethatthelinesofdisposabletiesformAndhaveweethnographers,forthatmatter,notdevelopedourownmethodsofmeetingstrangers,hurryingontherelationship,andparticipatinginexchangerelationstocollectvaluableinformationonlyinevitablytodistanceourselvesfromtheeldandthepeoplewemeetthere?WhocanarguewithVenkatesh’s(2002)informants,publichousingresidentsinChicago’sghetto,whosawhis“ownartform,theethnographiccraft,[as]anexemplary‘hustle’”(p.98),onenotdissimilartotheirowndealingsinthestreeteconomy?“Thisistheheartoftheparticipantobservationmethod,”Pow-dermaker(1966,p.9)onceobserved:“involvementanddetachment.” DisposableTiesandtheUrbanPoornotidypatterns.Butacloserlookrevealsaclearlogicbehindtheseemingdisorderandcomplexity.Theenvironmentmostconducivetoproducingdisposabletieswasthatwhichgatheredtogetherpeoplewithpressingneeds.WhenCrystalmetPatricia,awoman20yearshersenior,Crystalneededaplacetostay,andPatricia,wholonghadbeenplottingawaytotossoutherabusivehusband,neededanincometoreplacehis.Especiallyintheinnercity,strangersdailybrushedupagainstoneanother.Aneedmeetinganeedfacilitatedtheconditionsfortheformationofacollaborative,iftemporary,union.Thiswaswhyinstitutionschargedwithmanagingthepoor,thosethatbroughttogetherpeoplewithsimilarneeds,weresitesparexcellencefortheformationofdisposableties.Wel-fareofces,foodpantries,jobcenters,AlcoholicsAnonymousclubs,meth-adoneclinics,eventhewaitingareasofevictioncourt—disposabletiesregularlywereinitiatedinsuchvenues(cf.Small2009).Homelessshelterswereidealincubatorsofdisposabletiesastheycollectedunderasingleroofdozensofpeoplewhohadfoundthemselvesinanespeciallydesperatesituation—whowere“goingthroughathing,”asmanyshelterresidentsputit.Residentswerepreoccupiedbythesameproblem,andformany,theirmodusoperandiforsecuringhousingwasthroughadisposabletie.ScottandTeddymetintheSalvationArmyshelterbeforemovingintothetrailerpark.CrystalandVanettametinashelteraftereachwasevicted.Soon,theywerelookingforanapartmenttogether.Attheshelter,VanettaalsometEarl,aman(oldenoughtobeherfather)whotookastrongromanticinterestinher,aninterestsheentertainedinexchangeformoneyintendedtohelpherandherchildrengetbackontheirfeet.Thosesearchingforadisposabletiehavelearnedhowtosignalasmuchtopotential“newfriends”and,similarly,havelearnedhowtopickupsimilarsignalsfromothers.Manydoso,forexample,bytakingincre-mentalbutexpeditedstepstowardestablishingarelationshipofreci-procity.Attheshelter,InoticedVanettaandCrystalinitiateagiftex-changebyswappingcigarettes,eachkeepingmentalscoreofthenumberofNewportsgivenandreceived.Soontheyuppedtheante,exchangingsnacks,thensmallbills,thenmealspurchasedatnearbyfast-foodres-taurants.Throughpassingreferences,theybeganlearningaboutonean-other’sresources—Vanettareceived$673amonthfromwelfare,Crystal$754fromdisability—aswellasabitabouteachother’scharacter.Soonenough,CrystalandVanettawerelookingforhousingtogether,allthewhileseemingtotesteachother’stemperamentandcommitmenttore-ciprocation.Itwouldnotbelongbeforebothwomen’slivesweretetheredtogetherinmutualdependence.Sometimes,decisionsaboutteamingupwithastrangerweremadeinamatterofseconds.Arleenwasspendingthelastfewdaysinherapart-mentbeforehavingtoleavewhensomeoneknockedonthedoor.(At AmericanJournalofSociologyevictioncourt,acourtcommissionerhadorderedheroutbut,sincethereweredependentchildreninthehousehold,hadgivenherafewextradaystondanotherplacetogo.)Itwasherlandlord,showingtheapartmenttoaprospectivenewtenant:Crystal.ThelandlordexplainedthatArleenwasbeingevictedandsoonwouldbemoving.“Whereyougonnago?”Crystalasked.“Idon’tknow,”Arleenanswered.“Imean,Iain’tgotnowheretogo.”Afewmorewordswereexchanged,andafterCrystalagreedtotaketheapartment,shetoldArleen,“Ifyouwantto,youandyourkidscanstayhereuntilyoundaplace.”Arleenlookedatherlandlord.“Ifit’snewithyou,it’snewithme,”thelandlordtoldCrystal.Arleenthankedher,andthetwowomenhugged.Ahandhadbeenextended,andbeforeCrystalorherlandlordcouldchangetheirminds,Arleenneededtoactquickly,acceptingtheofferorshakingherheadno.Accordingly,shemadecharacterjudgmentsaboutCrystalbasedonherself-presentationandthefewthingsgleanedfromtheirbriefconversation.ArleennotedthatCrystalhadmentionedat-tendingchurch,afactthatallowedhertopegCrystalasthe“churchgoing(read:‘decent’)type”(Anderson1999).AndArleenlikedthewayCrystal“carriedherself.”Thedaytheymet,Crystalwaswearingaskirtdowntoherankles,atanwintercoat,andaprettysilkheadwrap.Shespoketenderlyandwasn’t“nasty”(i.e.,shedidn’tsmellorweartatteredclothes).ArleentoldmethatsheconsideredCrystalasafebet,evenifitultimatelywasagamblemadeunderduress.UsingTiesOnceadisposabletiewasformed,allkindsofresourcesowedthroughit.Newfriendsoftenspenthourstogether,dayafterday.Theyexchangedmoney,housing,foodandfoodstamps,drugs,sex,buspasses,furniture,andchildren’stoys.Theywatchedeachother’schildren,cookedforoneanother,andexchangedinformationaboutemploymentopportunitiesandpublicassistance.SomejoinednewfriendsinillicitactivitiestomakeToclarifythetimelineofevents:CrystalrstmetArleen(atArleen’sapartment),thenVanettaandEarl(atahomelessshelter),thenPatricia(atabusstop).AndArleenrstmetCrystal,thenTrisha,thenSilk(whomwemeetbelow).Becauseweightydecisionsoftenweremadeonthebasisofscantinformation—rstimpressionscouldleadtoconsequentialoutcomes—asmartpresentationoftheselfwasparticularlyimportantforthoseinthemarketfordisposableties.Thecleanlinessofone’sshoesorthetightnessofone’sbraidswasapromoterofpersonaldignityaswellasaninvestmentinone’swell-being.Onesearchingforhelpfromanewfriendmustinvestinoneselfsothatotherswillaswell. DisposableTiesandtheUrbanPoorendsmeetortogaindrugmoney.Throughdisposableties,evictedten-ants—who,nowbearingtheblemishofevictionontheirrecords,were“unrentable”intheeyesofmanylandlords—oftenfoundsubsequenthous-ing,theirnewfriend’snameonthelease.IfStack(1974)observedkincarryingoutmanyofthedutiesthatallowedlow-incomefamiliestosur-viveeconomicdeprivation,Ioftenobservedthesedutiesbeingaccom-plishedthroughdisposableties.Ordinarily,onewouldnotallowastrangertomoveinwithherortowatchherchildren.Onewouldnotexchangeahealthyamountofgoods,money,andcarewithacasualacquaintance.So,thestrangeroracquain-tancewastransformed,sometimesovernight,intoa“bestfriend,”“ance´,”or“sister”(cf.Liebow1967).ThefactthatTrishawasalight-skinnedwomanofMexican,African-American,andEuropeandescentandArleenwasadark-skinnedAfrican-Americandidnotpreventthewomenfromintroducingeachotheras“sisters.”Shortlyaftermeetingattheshelter,EarlbeganreferringtoVanettabyboasting,“Thatmyance´rightthere.”AnditwasnotadayaftermeetingPatriciaatthebusstopthatCrystalbegancallingher“mom.”Avirtuecarvedoutofurgentnecessity,callingnewfriendsbywarm,familialnameshelpedtoupholdtheillusionthatdisposabletieswerestrongerandmoreestablishedthaninactuality.Aglossoffraternityandallegiancenowsmoothingthetiesbetweenpeoplewhohaddecidedto“playkin,”resourcescouldbetradedmoreliberally.Becausedisposabletiestendedtobeformedbetweentwopeople“goingthroughathing,”pairsexperiencingseverelevelsofmaterialhardshipandoftenpsychologicaltrauma,anauthenticconnectioncouldbesensedbetweenthosewho,havinghitrockbottom,decidedtocasttheirlotwitheachother.Attheveryleast,acquaintancesbroughttogetherbypovertyrecognizedthattheirburdenswerenotunique.ShortlyafterCrystalmovedinandletArleenstay,thetwobegantoargueregularly.OnesuchargumentculminatedinArleenyelling,“Youdon’tknowwhatit’slike!Youdon’tknowwhatIthrough.Youdon’tknowwhatit’sliketohaveyourfathermolestyouandyourmothernotcareaboutit!”“Oh,yesIdo.YesI!”Crystalyelledback,sittingup.“Iknowwhatthat’slike’causemystepfathermolestedmewhenIwasjustalittleScottmetBillyandSusie,trailerparkresidentswhooftentooktripstoChicagoforherointar,aroundthetimehewasevicted.Togethertheyworkedahustlethathelpedsubsidizetheir$20-a-dayaddictions.Billywouldstealsomethingofvaluefromadepartmentstore,usuallyanitemofjewelry.Susiewouldthenreturntheitem,actinglikeadissatisedcustomerwhohadmisplacedherreceipt.BecauseSusiehadnoreceipt,thestoremanagerwouldgiveheragiftcerticateinexchangefortheitem.SusiewouldthenhandthegiftcerticatetoScott,whowouldpeddleitintheparkinglot,sellingitbelowvalue.Hemightsellan$80giftcerticatefor$40,takingthe$40straighttoChicago. AmericanJournalofSociologygirl,andthat’swhytheysentmetothefostercare.Isweartoknowexactlywhatyoubeenthrough!IsweartoAlthoughitisimpossibletoknowpreciselyhowCrystalandArleenfeltatthatmoment,itisreasonabletosuggestthat,throughthisexchange,bothwomenexperiencedakindofsharedcomprehension:theconsolingrecognitionofanafnity,theseeingofoneself(andone’spast)inanother.Whendisposabletiesmergedonelifehistoryofsufferingwithanother,astheyoftendid,newlyformedrelationshipscouldbereliedontoproduceasenseofbelongingand,ifnotcomfort,thenatleastsomethingclosetotheoppositeofestrangement.Sometimespeoplereliedonseveraldisposabletiessimultaneouslywhileattemptingtocompromisethetiestheirnewacquaintanceshadformedwithothers.VanettadeployedakeensensitivityandintelligencewhenbalancinghertieswithCrystalandEarl.BothvyingforVanetta’scom-panionship(andresources),CrystalandEarldislikedoneanother.Know-ingthis,VanettaledCrystaltobelievethat,together,theywereexploitingEarl,whileatthesametimeleadingEarltobelievethat,together,theywereexploitingCrystal.Whenthewomenweretogether,theywouldlaughabout“thatcrazyoldman.”WhenVanettawasalonewithEarl,shewouldlethimventabout“thattriin’fatbitch.”Whenthethreeweretogether,Vanettawascarefulnottoalignherselfcompletelywithoneortheother.WhenEarlandCrystal“gotintoit”(whentheyfought),Vanettahadtoreactwithdelicacy.Sometimesshewouldremainsilent,shruggingwhenpushedtotakeaside.Othertimes,shewouldalignwithCrystal,laterexplainingtoEarlthatshewasonlykeepingupthefac¸ade.Tosustainadisposabletie,peoplesometimesmaderiskyandcostlywagersontherelationship.Whilethesewagersmayhaveappearedabsurdtoanoutsideobserver—nottomentiontoagoodnumberofinsideob-serversaswell—theymadesensebythepracticallogicofdisposableties.Bymid-January,ArleenandherboyshadmovedoutoftheapartmenttheysharedwithCrystal,stayingatashelteruntilearlyFebruary,whenArleenhadmovedintoasmall,one-bedroomapartmentinalarge,mul-tiunitcomplexonthenorthernedgeoftheghetto.AlthoughitwasnotimmediatelyobviouswhyCrystalhadallowedArleenandherboystostayintheapartmentaftertheyhadbeenevicted,onereason,perhapstheprimaryreason,becameclearonceCrystalmovedin.Crystalhadonlythreegarbagebagsofclothestohername.Shehadnofurniture,AsBourdieu(2000,pp.145,152)onceobserved,thehabitus(whichheoftenreferredtoas“embodiedhistory”)“isthebasisofanimplicitcollusionamongalltheagentswhoareproductofsimilarconditionsandconditionings....This,anim-mediateagreementinwaysofjudgingandactingwhichdoesnotpresupposeeitherthecommunicationofconsciousnesses,stilllessacontractualdecision,isthebasisofapracticalmutualunderstanding.” DisposableTiesandtheUrbanPoortelevision,mattress,microwave,orappliances.Arleendidnothavemuch,butshehadthesethings.CrystalbegansleepingonArleen’sloveseatandwatchinghertelevision.CrystalandArleen’srelationshiphadbeenstrainedfromthebeginning,butonMarch1,Crystal’sdisabilitycheckcame,andsheinvitedArleenandherboysouttodinneratApplebee’s.Imetupwiththepartyshortlyafterdinner,atatattooparlor.Bythenight’send,Crystalhadspent$250—athirdofhermonthlyincome—ontaxifares,food,andbellybuttonpiercingsforherselfandArleen.Atrst,IwasfrustratedwithCrystalforwhatIconsideredtobeasenselessbinge.Later,however,Iwouldcometobetterunderstandhermotivationsthatevening.InFebruary,CrystalhadlefttheapartmentpreviouslyoccupiedbyArleen.Afterbouncingfromplacetoplace,shehadlandedinahomelessshelter.WhenMarchcame,CrystalattemptedtoreactivatethedisposabletieshehadforgedwithArleen,havinglearnedthatheroldroommaterecentlyhadfoundanewapartment.Crystalgured—ismoreaccurate,themurkybusinessofparticipatingintheseintermediateandeetingconnectionsbeingguidedmorebyone’stacitandemotionalknowledge,thecollectionofvariegatedandinxedcompetencesusuallycollapsedundertheterm“streetsmarts,”thanbysterileutilitymaximi-zation—thatifshetreatedArleenandherboystoanightout,theymightassumethatmorefunescapadesweretocomeiftheyallowedCrystaltomovein.Afterall,CrystalneededArleen(orsomebody),assurvivingonhersmallxedincomealonewasunfeasible.Thedayaftertheireveningout,CrystalaskedArleenifshecouldmovein.Arleensaidyesbutlaterwouldrenege.“Thelandlordalreadybeenonmycase,”shewouldexplain,truthfully.“Therejustain’tenoughroom,Crystal.”Arleenwouldgoontotellme,“Don’taskme[tomovein]![Crystal]can’tstaywithme....Thethingwas,Iwasn’tnevergonnaletCrystalcomeandstaywithmefromthegetgo.Ijusttoldherthattothrowheroff.Andshewasn’tttin’tocomestaywithmewith....No.Nope.Youmightaswellstayinthatshelter.”Duneier(1999,p.344)hasspokenoftheuncertaintyendemictotheethnographer’staskofexplainingindividualbehavior.Iacknowledgemyownuncertaintyhere.IhaveeliminatedcompetingexplanationsforCrystal’sactions,butitwouldbeunwiseandvaintoclaimwithcompletecertaintythatherbehaviorwasreduciblesolelytoakindofcalculatedrisk.Muchhumanbehaviorcannotbeexplainedbyasinglerationale.Spendingmoneywithoutinhibitionisfunandcanenhanceone’sfeelingofself-worth.Itisalsosomethingmanypeople,richandpoor,havebeenknowntodo.AsJencks(1997,p.xiv)hasobservedwithcharacteristicinsight,“Mostpeoplendthatspendingalltheirmoneyonnecessitiesisunbearablydepressing.Thepoorareassubjecttothisdilemmaastherestofus....Onceweconcedethatpeoplecannotlivebybreadalone,weshouldnotexpectpoorpeopletospendalltheirmoneyoneitherbreadoritsequivalent.” AmericanJournalofSociologyCrystalbetonArleenandlost.ItalkedwithCrystalafterArleenhadrefusedherrequest,asking,“Sowhenyouwerespendingmoney[thatnight],youwerethinkingyoucouldbeable—”“—tostaywithher,”Crystalnishedmysentence.“Staywithher,right.”“Butitdidn’tworkoutthatway.”BurningTiesByandlarge,disposabletieswereshort-termrelationships.Sometimes,tieswereburnedforever,theirparticipantsturningtheirbacksoneachotherandneverlookingback.Othertimes,disposabletiestransformedintosomethinglikeweakties:theybecamedeactivatedforanindeniteperiodoftime,onlytobereengaged(withmixedresults)later.Somedisposabletieslastedweeks.Othersstretchedonformonths.Sometimes,acquaintancesmaintainedafriendship(oratleastatoleranceforoneanother)thatallowedthemtoexchangeresourcesforanextendedperiodoftime.(TinareliedonseveraldisposabletiesafterherevictionbutsoonfoundherselfmovingintotheextrabedroomofahouseownedbyasinglewhitemannamedRon,whohadacrushonher.Shewouldstayforwelloverayear.)Whatmechanismssevereddisposableties?Theywerecount-less,nodoubt,asdemandingrelationshipsbetweenvirtualstrangerswereinherentlybrittle.Whatwassurprisingwasnotthattieszzledoutbutthat,inrareinstances,theysometimeswithstoodthebrutishconditionsunderwhichtheywereforged.Inthesimplestofcases,crudeexternalpressuressnappeddisposableties.WhenVanettawassenttoprison,shenolongerwasanyhelptoEarlorCrystal.Andafter11monthswithBetty,Larrainewasdiagnosedwithdiabetesandmovedout.ReasoningthatBetty’schain-smokingwouldonlyexacerbatehercondition,Larraineconvincedheroldersister,Odessa,toopenherdoorstoher(eventhoughOdessawithheldsupportimme-diatelyafterLarrainewasevicted).Tiesinvolvingmenandwomenwerehighlyvolatile.Aftertheireviction,NedandPammovedinwithTravis,whomtheyhadmetatthetrailerpark.Soonafter,however,NedbegantosuspectthatTraviswasattractedtoPam.Themenbegantoargue,culminatinginNedandPam’spackingupandspendingthenextweekinacheapmotel.Thosewhoformedmultipletiesbolsteredsomeattheexpenseofothers.ThiswaswhatendedTrishaandArleen’s“sisterhood.”ShortlyafterAr-leenmovedinwithher,Trishabegan“talkingto”(dating)amanwhowentby“Silk.”Silk,whorecentlyhadbeenreleasedfromprisonondrugcharges,despisedTrisha’srun-downapartment(eventhoughhedidnotpayapennytostaythere).AfewdaysbeforetherstofMay,Silkand DisposableTiesandtheUrbanPoorTrishadisappearedforseveraldays.Arleenthoughtthatthecouplewasvisitingrelativesorfriendsandthattheywouldbebacksoon.Buttohersurprise,movers(contractedbyTrisha’spayee)showedupMay1andbeganpackingTrisha’sthings.Forcedout,Arleencalledhersister,Sheree,who,havingrecentlymovedintoalargerapartment,offeredtoletArleenandherboysstaywithhertemporarily.Atthetimeofthiswriting,ArleenandTrishahavenotspokenagain.Disposabletiesfrayedundertheweightofmultiplefactorsassociatedwiththeharshconditionsthatnecessitatedtheserelationshipsintherstplace.OneofArleenandCrystal’srstmajorarguments,aweekintotheirnewfriendship,revealedseveralfactorsthatstressedtherelationship.ArleenandIhadgonetolookforapartmentswhenCrystalcalled.IcouldhearCrystal’svoicescreamingontheotherend.Arleensaidlittlebeforehangingup,visiblyfrustrated.“Itistooridiculous!”shesaid.“Aslongaswehavefood,shene.Butwhenwedon’t,it’slikethis!...Ishouldn’thave[stayed]thismonth.ThenIwouldn’thavetoworryabouteverytimeIturnaround,somebodysaying,‘Youshouldgetout.’”ReasoningthatpickingupfoodwouldpreventCrystalfromputtingherandherboysout,Arleentoldmetopulluptothecornerstore.Sheordereda$99meatdeal—aninner-citystapleconsistingofchickenwingsandlegs,porkchops,neckbones,pigfeet,andotherlow-costcuts—payingforitwithfoodstamps.Whilethemanbehindthecounterbaggedherorder,ArleenbeganstewingaboutCrystal.“Shebogus!Matt,shedon’tcleanup.Shedon’tdonothingatall....I’mtakingcareofeverything.”Whenwearrivedbackattheapartment,Crystal,incensed,explainedthatbecauseJafarishaddisobeyedher,shehadtoldhimtostandoutsideinJanuary’sbittercold.JorihadrefusedtolethisbrothersuffersuchapunishmentandhadcalledCrystalabitch.“Youknowwhat?”Crystalyelled.“Yeah,I’mabitch.ButrememberI’mthatsamebitchthatopenedupmydoorandletyoustayhereeventhoughIdidn’tknowyoufromAdamandEve.Iwasthatsamebitchthatletyouin!Thelandlorddidn’tcare.Shedon’thavetocare.”“Idon’tknowwhyyousayingallthis’causeIknowthat,”Arleenresponded.Shehadweatheredthesekindsofaltercationsbefore,hervoiceassertiveandclear.Joritriedjumpingintothefraytoexplainhissideofthestory,buthismothercuthimoff.“Y’allwait’tillIleave[tocausetrouble]?WhereamIttin’togo?Where,”sheyelled,“amIttin’togo?You[kids]bothoutoforder!”Joribegantocry.Crystalwavedherphoneintheair.“Whatevermy[spiritual]momsaysIshoulddo,I’mgonnado,becausethat’stoomuchdisrespect.TooShedialedthenumber,pressedthephonetoherear,andkepttalking. AmericanJournalofSociology“Ifhe’djustcalledmeonebitch,thatwould’vebeenne.I’dhavejustchoppeditoff.Buttobecalledabitchforanhourstraight?”Noonepickedup.Crystalredialed.“Thisisfuckingridiculous,Jori,”Jori’smotherchided.Arleenwalkedtoherroomandbeganventingtotheceiling,apassive-aggressiveresponseIwouldseeheruserepeatedly.“Shealwayscom-plainingthereain’tnofood.Butitain’tresponsibilitytofeednobodybutmy.Nobody!”“Ididn’taskyoutobuyshitforme,”Crystalyelledback.“Becausepleasebelieveit,.’CauseI’mgonnahavewhateverIneed.What-ever.WhetherIhavetosellsomeass,CrystalSherellaSherrodMayberryisgonnagetwhateversheneeds!What-ev-er!”Arleen’seyesfoundherboys’.“I’msickofy’all!...Ifitain’tonething,it’sanother.IfIknewI’dbehavingtogothroughthis,Iwouldhaveleft[aftertheeviction]!”Crystaldialedagain,stillnoanswer.NowitwasCrystal’sturntotalktotheceiling,but(aswashercustom)shebeganprayingoutloud.“God,Ineedananswerrightnow.God,please.Ineedtohearsomethingfrommymomma,mybishop.God,Iyou,Iwishyouwouldn’thaveletmelearntolovethewayIlove....IwishIwould’vebeenbitterforalltheterriblethingsthathappenedinmylife.,Lord!”“Youdon’tneednobodytoanswer[yourcalls].Youknowwhatyouwant.Thisyourhouse.”Crystalbeganhummingahymn.Shewalkedaroundtheapartment,hummingandbreathinginthroughhernose.Shewouldpauseandclosehereyes.Shewascalmingherselfdown.ArleenlookedatJori.“Ifshetelluswegottago,whereiswegoing?”“It’slike,likeIgottakissbutttobehere.WhereamIgoing,Jori?”Arleencontinuedlikethat,beratingJoriandJafarisandcomplainingaboutCrystal,throughsidelongswipes,untilCrystalnallyanswered.“Youknowwhat.”Crystal,hereyeslledwithtears,wasnotyellingbutpurringinanewvoice,hushedandsoothing.“Letmesaysomething.,God,Iwishyou’dhavenevergavemethespiritoflove....Myfeelingsarehurtfrombothofy’all.But,Ican’t,Ican’tputy’allout....’Cause,likeItoldyou,IamlledwiththeHolyGhost,andtheHolyGhosttellingmenottomakey’allleave.”Inthisinteraction,anumberofstressorswerebroughttolight:Crystal’srelationshipwithArleen’schildren(“That’stoomuchdisrespect”);aper-ceivedimbalanceinthegiftexchangeintermsofresources(“Itain’tmyresponsibilitytofeednobodybutmykids”)anddomesticlabor(“Shedon’tdonothingatall”);Crystal’spoweroverArleen,awomantwiceherage,andArleen’shumiliationoverthatfact(“It’slikeIgottakissbutttobe DisposableTiesandtheUrbanPoor);andArleen’sdesperatecircumstances(“WhereamIttin’togo?”Arleenwouldmoveintoasheltertwoweekslater.HerrelationshipwithCrystalmoreorlesswoulddrawtoaquiet,awkwardcloseaftertheireveningatApplebee’s.Manysuchrelationships,however,didnotendsoquietly.RoughlytwomonthsafterArleenandCrystalpartedways,CrystalmovedinwithPatricia,thewomanshehadmetatthebusstop.AfterCrystalhadbeenthereforaboutaweek,Patricia’sbiologicaldaughter(age14)tookCrys-tal’scellphonetoschoolandlostit.Furious,CrystalconfrontedPatricia,demanding$200compensation.Patriciarefusedtopay,andtensionsmountedinthehouse.AsCrystaltellsit(Ididnotpersonallywitnessthisevent),thenextevening,Patricia,drunkonwinemixedwithbrandy,toldCrystal,“I’mgonnagetyououtofmyhouse!”anddialedhersisterforbackup.Crystal,inturn,calledhercousinandtwosisters.Crystal’screwarrivedrst,waitingoutsideinacar.WhenPatriciaandCrystaltooktheirargumentoutside,Patricia,stumblingdrunk,lostherbalanceandfelltotheground.Staringdown,CrystalliftedherfootandbroughtitdownonPatricia’sface—thenagainandagain.Seeingthis,oneofCrystal’ssisterssprungoutofthecarandhitPatriciawithahammerbeforepullingCrystalaway.Crystalwouldsoonbedrivingaway,leavingPatriciathereonthesidewalk,balledupinafetalposition.Crystal’scousinandsisterswerenotslowtolendtheirsupportthatnight,butitextendedonlysofar.AfteryingtoCrystal’ssidefortheght,thewomendroppedheroffatthewaitingroomofSt.Joseph’sHospital,where,homelessoncemore,shewouldspendthenight.DISCUSSIONIfevictedtenantsusuallyspokelovinglyoftheirkin,theyoftenfoundhelpelsewhere.Manyfactorsimpededsupportamongkinties.Alackofresourcesinadditiontostructuralandlegalbarrierspreventedpoorkinfromhelping;middle-classkinalsowithheldsupportfromtheirlessfor-tunaterelatives,justifyingtheiractionsbycitingpastaidunderstoodtobemorethansufcientorbyafxingtotheirkinacollectionofbasequalitiesthatrenderedthemundeserving.Often,then,ratherthanturn-ingtotheirkin,evictedtenantsreachedouttostrangers.Theyfoundthemalloverthecity,butinstitutionsthatbroughttogetherpeoplewithsimilarlypressingneedswereespeciallyfertilegroundfordisposableties.RoommateswithinahomelessshelteroftenbecameroommatesoutsideItisanythingbutaxiomatic,then,thatthepoorgreatlybenetfromtiestothemiddleclassorthatresourcesnaturallyslidedownverticalconnections,asifbygravity. AmericanJournalofSociologyofit,poolingtheirresourcestosecurehousingandmakerent.Throughakindofacceleratedandsimulatedintimacy,virtualstrangersquicklybecame“bestfriends”or“sisters.”Withthetielockedinplace,resourceswereexchanged—includinghousing,foodstamps,money,childcare,in-formation,andemotionalcomfort—makingsurvivalpossibleandsome-timesenjoyable.“Myfamilydon’thelp,”Arleenoncetoldme.“Idon’thavenobodytohelpme.”“...Sowhenyoureallyneedhelp,whodoyougoto?”Iasked.“IsearcharounduntilIndsomebody[who]willhelpme.”Butalmostinexorably,disposabletieswouldsnapundertheweightofanynumberoffactors,includingthetendencytoformmultipletieswithindividualswhowouldthencompetewithoneanother.Whendisposabletiesweredisposedof,individualsbeganlookingforanewrelationshipormightattempttoapproacharelative.Thisloopingpatternofforming,using,andburningties,thiswearyrhythm—makeafriend,useafriend,loseafriend—bestcapturesanessentialsurvivalstrategytenantsregularlyemployed.Whentenuousbutintenserelationshipsbetweenvirtualstrang-ersendedbadly—orviolently,astheysometimesdid—theyfostereddeepmisgivingsbetweenpeersandneighbors,erodingcommunityandnetworkstability.Thememoryofhavingbeenusedormistreatedbyadisposabletieencouragedpeopletobesuspiciousofothers.Relyingondisposableties,then,isbotharesponsetoandasourceofsocialinstability.Otherethnographershavedocumentednetworkdynamicsinpoorneighborhoodssimilartothoserecordedhere.Rainwater(1970,p.73)observedthattheresidentsofPruitt-Igoereconciledthemselves“tomov-ingthroughlifetreatingrelationshipsasreadilyreplaceableandinter-changeable,ratherthanmakingheavyinvestmentsinafewrelationships.”Howell(1973,p.335)spokeofrelationshipsthat“oftenhadapatternofformingveryquicklyandintenselyandstoppingabruptly.”AlthoughLiebow(1967,pp.163–65,182)describedthestreetcornermanassur-roundedbyacoregroupoffamilyandfriendswithwhomhewas“uptight”aswellas,intheouterrings,byaloosernetworkoffriendsandacquaintances,healsodocumented“theeasyquicknesswithwhichacasualencountercanripenintoanintense...relationship,andtheequaleasewithwhichtheserelationshipsbreakdownunderstress.”And,in-deed,aclosereadingofAllOurKinrevealsthatStackdocumentednotonebutthreetypesofnetworksoperatingintheFlats:thosemadeupofessentialkin,familymembersandctivekinactivelyparticipatinginOfcourse,itisaminorsourcecomparedtothestructuralcausesofinstability:e.g.,risinghousingandenergycosts,welfareretrenchment,racialsegregation,widespreadjoblessness,massincarceration. DisposableTiesandtheUrbanPoorexchangenetworks;,kinnotactivelyparticipating;andStackwrotethat“kinshipnetworkshavestabilitybecausetheneedsofthepoorareconstant,”butfriendships“changemoreoften,andfriendsdropinandoutofoneanother’snetworkswhileassumingastablepositionintheirownkinshipnetworks”(1974,p.54).ClusteredaroundtheFlatsresident,then,wasaprimarygroupofkinfolkcrucialtohersurvival,whilefriendsorbitedthiscore,likeelectronsittingaroundthecenterofanatom,helpingforshortburstsbeforespinningoutandbeingreplacedbyothers.Onecancatchglimpsesofdisposabletiesinmorecontemporaryurbanethnographyaswell:instrangersdailyinteractingintheunder-groundeconomy(Venkatesh2006)orinhomelesspeoplerelyingononeanotherforfoodanddrugs,companionshipandshelter(BourgoisandSchonberg2009).Disposableties,itwouldseem,longhavebeenapartofthelivesoftheurbanpoor,evenifanalystshavegiventhesetiesonlycursorytreatment.Neithereldworkersofthepreviousgenerationnorthosewritingtodayhaveplaceddisposabletiesatthecenteroftheiranalyses,identifyingthem,asIhavehere,asanindispensibleresourceforlow-incomefamiliesthatplaysacriticalroleincriticalepisodesinwhichsurvivalisatstake.WhitePoverty,BlackPovertyWhitepovertyandblackpovertyarenotthesamething.Withrespecttokinnetworks,researchershavefoundthatpoorblacksarelesslikelytohavemiddle-classsiblingsthanpoorwhites(HeinandPattillo2006).And,indeed,oftheevictedtenantsImet,whitetenantshadbetteraccesstofamilymemberswithsteadyworkandsavingsaccounts.Nevertheless,whiteandblacktenantsalikeexperienceddifcultiessolicitingkinforDisposabletiesmayplayalargerroleinthelivesoftheurbanpoortodaythantheydid50yearsago,whenStackconductedhereldwork.Explainingwhywouldentailevaluatinghowthedeconcentrationofpoverty,thecrackepidemic,theriseoftheblackmiddleclass,theprisonboom,andanumberofothersocialtransformationshaveaffectedpoorfamilies.Thisisataskwellbeyondthescopeofthisarticle.Butitshouldbenoted,howeverbriey,thatstatepoliciesdevelopedinthelatterdecadesofthe20thcenturyhadtheeffectofunderminingkinnetworksoftheurbanpoor.Inthe1960s,incentiveswereafxedtoAidtoFamilieswithDependentChildrenbenetstolimitso-calledkindependence.“Mothersreceivedhigherwelfarestipendsiftheylivedalone,oriftheylivedwithafemalefriendorstranger,thaniftheychosetoremainwiththeirownmothers,theirgrandmothers,orotherrelatives”(LopezandStack2001,p.38).Theconsequencesofthesemeasuresmayhavebeenlong-term,theireffectsonkinrelationsfeltevenafterwelfarewasretooledandrolledback.Furthermore,policiesthatpropelledtheretrenchmentofthewelfarestateandtheriseofmassincarcerationhaveexacerbatedlow-incomefamilies’insecurityanddespera-tion,surelycompromisingtheirabilitytoparticipateinkin-basedexchangenetworks(ForrestandKearns2001;Goffman2009). AmericanJournalofSociologyhelp.Andwhiteandblacktenantsalikedependedheavilyondisposabletiesduringthedifcultmonthsfollowingtheireviction.Withrespecttothefoundationalaspectsofthenetwork-basedsurvivalstrategiesde-scribedhere,thesimilaritiesofwhiteandblacktenants—bothcrippledundermiserablepoverty—faroutweighedthedifferences.Gans(1982,pp.277–78)observedasimilarpattern.“Icontinuetobeimpressed,”heonceremarked,“byhowsimilarmembersofdifferentethnicgroupsthinkandactwhentheyareofthesamesocioeconomiclevel...andmustdealwiththesameconditions.”Thatsaid,oneimportantdifferencedeservesattention.Whiteswereabletogetbyonfewerdisposableties,andthosethattheyformedtendedtolastlonger.(Afterhereviction,Larrainereliedprimarilyonasingletie:Betty,withwhomshelivedforalmostayear.TinastayedwithRonforwelloverayear.)Onereasonforthiswasthatthepeoplewithwhomtheyformednewrelationships(usuallyotherwhites)typicallypossessedmoreresourcesthanthosewithwhomblacksformedrelationships(usuallyotherblacks).(Disposabletiesrarelybridgedracialboundaries;cf.Suttles1968,pp.31–35;Merry1981,p.121.)BettyownedhertrailerandcouldaccommodateLarraine.RonhadinheritedhishousefromhisparentsandcouldprovideTinawithaspareroom.RonalsohadanewerJeepWran-glerthatheallowedTinatousewhencartingherdaughterstoandfromworkandschool.Intheblackinnercity,cars(nottomentionownedhomes)wereinmuchshortersupply.Notonlywerewhitetenants’disposabletiesmoreresource-laden,butwhitetenantsthemselveshadbetteraccesstohousingthantheirblackcounterparts.AlthoughNedwaswantedonadrugchargeandPamhadfeloniesandanevictiononherrecord,thecouplewasabletosecureadecentandaffordabletwo-bedroomapartmentinaworking-classneigh-borhoodlessthantwomonthsaftertheireviction.Studieshaveshownthatblacks(andblackwomeninparticular)havefarlessaccesstorentalhousingthanwhites(MasseyandLundy2001),andduringmyeldworkIwitnessedlandlordsblatantlydiscriminateagainstAfrican-Americans.Morecouldbesaidaboutthemicroeconomyofdifferencesamongtheurbanpoor—notonlythosebetweenwhiteandblackfamiliesbutalsothoseamongblacksandwhiteslivinginthesameneighborhood(nottomentionthesamehousehold)—withrespecttoanumberofothermatters.Variationthatrstappearstrivial,whetheronepossessesadriver’slicenseorliveson19thandAtkinsonor21standAtkinson,canplacepeersondrasticallydivergentpaths(seeWacquant1996).Here,itisimportanttorecognizethetremendouswhite/blackwealthgap(OliverandShapiro1997;Shapiro2004),explainednotonlybythehistoricalcareerofracismmanifestininequalitiesininheritanceandhomeownershipbutalsobypovertyintheextendedfamily,whichconstrainsassetaccumulation(HeinandPattillo2002;ChitejiandHamilton2005). DisposableTiesandtheUrbanPoorOnoneoccasion,alandlordnamedHectorwasshowingVanettaandCrystalasmalltwo-bedroomapartmentinapredominantlyMexicanneighborhood.IstayedoutsidewithVanetta’skids.Whenthewomencameout,Icouldtellsomethingwaswrong.VanettatoldmeshehadaskedHectorifhehadanotherunitwithatub.Hectorsaidhedidandbegandescribingtheunit,sayingitwasthesamerentonlybiggerandsomewhatnicer.Then,suddenly,asifforgettingsomething,hestoppedhimself.Hishandwentforhispocket,andheansweredhiscellphone(whichhadnotrung).ItwasobvioustoVanettaandCrystalthatnoonehadcalled,butHectorpretendedtohaveaconversationwithsomeoneontheotherline.Whenhehungup,hetoldVanettaandCrystal,“Ah!Thatwasmypartnerand,wouldn’tyouknowit,hejustrentedourotherunit.Justrightnow!”Vanettawascryingandshakingwithangerbythetimeshenishedtellingmethestory.IcopieddownHector’snumberfromtheForRentsignandcalledhimupthenextday.I(awhitemale)metHectorinthesameunitVanettaandCrystalhadbeenshown.ItoldhimItookhomeabout$1,400amonth(VanettaandCrystal’scombinedincome),thatIhadthreekids(thenumberVanettahad),andthatI’dreallylikeaunitwithabathtub.“MywifeandIliketogivethekidsbaths,youknow,andtheshowermakesittough.”Hectordidnothesitatetellingmethathehadanotherunitavailable.HeevendrovemetoitwhenItoldhimmywifehaddroppedmeoff.BlendingSurvivalNetworksAlthoughevictedtenantsreliedheavilyondisposabletiestomakeendsmeet,duringsomeepisodestheyalsobenetedmightilyfromkinsupport.Teddyreceivedhelpfromhissisterafterhiseviction,butwhenhomelessbeforethat,hereliedonScott,adisposabletie.Afterbeingevicted,Lar-rainelivedwithBeaker(herbrother),thenBetty(avirtualstranger),thenOdessa(hersister).Andalthoughitwouldbemonthsafterhereviction,Arleen’ssisterwouldofferheraplacetostaytemporarily.Itwasnotuniversallythecase,then,thatevictedtenantshadbeencastoutofkinnetworksforfailingtoreciprocatefavors(andinfactwereevictedpre-ciselybecausetheyhad).Infact,Arleenwasevictedfortheoppositereason.Shedefaultedonherrentaftercontributingalargeportionofherwelfarechecktohelppayforhersister’sfuneral.Inthiscase,mywhitenesshelpedtofacilitateanethnographicinsight.Inothercases,itservedasanimpediment(as,e.g.,whentenantssuspectedIwasanundercovercop).Intheeld,multipledimensionsofmysocialpositionpresentedmewithcertainopportunities,ofwhichItriedtotakeadvantage,andchallenges,whichIworkedtoovercome(seeEmirbayerandDesmond2012). AmericanJournalofSociologyByandlarge,familymembersordisposabletieswereaskedforhelpdependingnotontheofthedemand—tenantsreliedondisposabletiesforsupportthatwasdemanding(housing)aswellasthatwhichwaslessso(food)—butontheofit.Althoughsomecombinedsupportfromdisposabletiesandkinduringthesametimeperiod—duringthemonthsafterleavingthehomelessshelter,VanettareliedonCrystalandEarlaswellasonheroldersister—tomeetbasicneeds,mostreliedalmostexclusivelyonfamilymembersorondisposabletiesduringseparatein-tervals.Becauseformingadisposabletiewasaninherentlyriskyendeavor,introducingnewfriendstofamilymembersoftenmeantthatthelattersharedintheriskand,shouldthingsendbadly,thecosts.AfterVanettabrokeupwithEarl,someoneshotupVanetta’ssister’sapartment.Vanettaandherchildrenwereasleepinsideatthetime.EveryonesuspectedEarl.Notonlydidmixingnewfriendswithfamilymemberscompromisekinties,butitalsothreateneddisposableties.Reachingouttofamilymemberswhilecultivatingadisposabletiecoulddecelerateitsmomentumandthreatenthenewrelationship.Ifonefailedtomeetanewfriend’sneed,howeverminor—byskippingamealtojoinfamilyforSundaydinner,forexample—sheleftopenthepossibilitythatthatfriendwouldndhelpelsewherebyforminganewtieorbyreactivatinganoldone.Ifthisoccurred,thenewtiecouldgrowstronger—therelationshipbrisklyac-celerating—andeventuallytheoriginaldisposabletiecouldbesevered.Newfriendshipsworkedbestwhentheywereall-encompassingandchar-acterizedbyhighlevelsof“encapsulation”(Uehara1990,p.529),whenfriendssoughthelpexclusivelyfromoneanother.Andyet,relationshipsbasedon“restrictedexchange,”thosecharacterizedbythenormofquidproquoexchangebetweentwoparties,wereinherentlybrittle(Ekeh1974).Theverythingonwhichdisposabletiesinitiallyreliedtofunctionmosteffectivelyinduecoursehelpedtoweakenandsevertheties.TheCriticalCaseofEvictionByparticipatingineverydaylifeintwopoorneighborhoods,ImetmanynonevictedfamiliesanddailywasabletoobservequotidiantransactionsofthesortthatoccupythepagesofAllOurKin.Giventhis,twoquestionspresentthemselves.First,didthenetworkstrategiesemployedbypoorfamiliesonaday-to-daybasisdifferconsiderablyfromthoseemployedduringacrisis,and,second,wasitthecasethatevictedtenantsreliedonkinsupporttoalesserextentthantheirneighbors?Letmeaddresseachquestioninturn.Iftherstquestionhadbeenputtoher40yearsago,Stack(1974)wouldhaveanswereditwithanunequivocalno.Shenotonlydocumentedthatpoorblackfamiliesswapgoodsandservices“onadaily,practically DisposableTiesandtheUrbanPooranhourly,basis”butalsowitnessedthemextendinghelptokinexperi-encingcrises(includingillnesses,deaths,andevictions;pp.35,92).Forme,however,theanswerisnotsocut-and-dried.Some(butnotall)res-identsofpoorcommunitieswhohadgainedadegreeofstability—thosewithdecent,subsidizedapartmentsorsteadyjobs,forexample—didnotparticipateinthepursuitofforgingandusingdisposableties,eveniftheyactivelydidsobeforetheirstabilitywaswon.Aftersecuringanapartmentmonthsafterhereviction,Arleenavoidedtalkingwithhernewneighbors.“Imainlykeeptomyselfhere,”sheexplained.“Becausepeoplejustbringtrouble.”ButArleenwasunabletokeeptoherselfforverylong.Hernewlandlordsoonwouldevicther,causinghertoreenterthemarketplaceofdisposableties.Peopleoftenreliedondisposabletiessparinglyduringepisodesofrelativesecurityandheavilyduringintervalsofdespondenceanduncertainty.However,thecorrespondencebetweenstabilityandrelianceondisposabletiesisnotperfect.ManyofthemenandwomenwithwhomIlivedintheinner-cityroominghouse,forexample,oftenformed,used,anddiscardeddisposabletiesduringintervalsofrelativestability,timesduringwhichtheywerenotexperiencingacrisisonthescaleofeviction.Forsome,itseemed,whatoncewasnecessaryforsur-vivalhadsincebecomehabit.Withrespecttothesecondquestion,Imetmanyfamiliesinthetrailerparkaswellasintheinnercity(evictedandnonevictedalike)whowerenotsurroundedby“aclusterofrelativesfrompersonalkinshipnetworks[towhomtheyhad]continuingclaims”(Stack1974,p.61).Theirclaimstokinsupport,rather,weremorefeebleandsporadic.Iobservedbothgroupsslideinandoutofcooperatingfamilialnetworks.Aswiththeirevictedcounterparts,nonevictedfamiliessometimescalledonkinforhelp,whereasinothersituationstheyreliedondisposableties.Somepeopleinlong-termromanticrelationships,forexample,oftenformeddisposabletieswithotherwomenormenonthesly.Theserelationshipsfunctioned(inpart)asinsuranceincasetheircurrent“main”relationshipdissolved—and,withit,theirhousingandprimarysourceoffoodandincome.Thatsaid,ratherthanarepresentativecase,thisstudyisbestregardedasacriticalcase:onethathad“strategicimportanceinrelationtothegeneralproblem”(Flyvbjerg2001,p.78).Ifmyfocuswaslimitedtoevictedtenants,thereasonwasthatthecommonyetcriticaleventofevictionSometimessecuritywasprovidedbyeffectivesocialservices.Scottwasabletodecreasehisrelianceondisposabletiesafterbeingacceptedintoamen’sshelterthatprovidedhimwithdrugtreatmentandpart-timeemployment.AndafteraretooktheapartmentfromwhichLamarandhissonswerebeingevicted,theRedCrossprovidedtemporaryhousingandemergencyrelocationfunds. AmericanJournalofSociologyofferedauniqueopportunitytogainnewperspectivesonsurvivalstrat-egiesandnetworkdynamicsamongtheurbanpoor.ConceptualizingDisposableTiesSociologistslonghaveconceivedofpersonalnetworksasconsistingofacollectionoftiesthatvaryinstrength.ForGranovetter(1973,p.1361),“thestrengthofatieisa(probablylinear)combinationoftheamountoftime,theemotionalintensity,theintimacy(mutualconding),andthereciprocalserviceswhichcharacterizethetie.”Strongtiesarethosewithhighamountsofsome(ifnotall)ofthesefourqualities,andweaktiesarethosewithlowamounts.Aredisposabletiessimplyavariantofweakties?Theyarenot,foranumberofreasons.First,disposabletiesusuallyarecharacterizedbyhighlevelsofemotionalintensityandreciprocityofgoodsandservices.Andthoseboundtogetherbysuchatiespendlargeamountsoftimetogether.Inthisway,disposableties,althoughbetweennewacquaintances,resemblestrongtiesmoresothanweakones.Second,whileweaktiesoftenactas“bridges”thatconnectonesetofpeopletoanother,disposabletiesrarelydoso.Insomecases,thosewhoformdis-posabletiesactivelyavoid(orareavoidedby)closefamilymembersandfriends,leavingthemwithvirtuallynoonetobridgeto.Moreover,re-lationshipscastfromdisposabletiestendtobedemanding,suffocating,andbasedonrestrictedexchange.Theyarenotsuitableforbridgingorfordiffusinginformation(thisisthe“strengthofweakties”).Here,then,isyetanotherdifferencebetweenweakanddisposableties.Theformer“areanimportantresourceinmakingpossiblemobilityopportunity”(Gra-novetter1973,p.1373).Thelatter,oftenformedunderduressbetweensimilarlydispossessedanddesperatepeople,areanimportantresourceforsurvival.Finally,thereisthematterofdisposability.Thethreatofterminationloomsaboveallrelationships.Butwhatmakesdisposabletiesuniqueonthisscoreisthattheincreaseddemandsplacedonbrand-newacquaintances,demandsdisproportionatetothedurationofthere-lationship,combinewiththe(oftencloaked)instrumentalcastofthere-lationshipandthecompoundingpressuresofpovertytypicallytotruncatethetie’slifespan.Imagineathinstringconnectingtwoacquaintances.Becausethestringcaneasilybeartheweightof,say,valuableinformationpassedbetweenthepair,itmaylastindenitely.Thisistheimageofweakties.Butwhenthatstringisrequiredtobearaheavierload—whenitisusedtobindtogethertwostrangerswhosharehousing,food,andmoney;whogiveandreceivechildcare,intimacy,emotionalsupport,andsome-timessex;andwhooftenspendmostoftheirdaystogether—thelikelihoodofitslastingdecreasessignicantly.Thisistheimageofdisposableties.Disposableties,therefore,arenotweakties.Nordotheyresemble DisposableTiesandtheUrbanPoorstrongtiesinthetraditionalsense:bondsenvelopingfamilymembers,goodfriends,andmembersofcliques.Ifdisposabletiesarestraightfor-wardlyneitherstrongnorweakties,how,then,shouldwemakesenseofthem?Althoughanumberofscholars—Granovetter(1973,p.1361)amongthem—haveemphasizedthemultidimensionalityoftieattributes,theo-ristshavegainedanalyticalpurchasebycollapsingtheseattributesintoasinglecomposite:strength(orlackthereof;see,e.g.,Granovetter1983;Burt2004).Inthemajorityofcases,suchanalyticalreductionposesnosignicantdrawbackstostructuraltheoriesofactionsincetieattributestendtobehighlycorrelated.Atiecharacterizedbylongdurationandheightenedpropinquity,forexample,tendsalsotobecharacterizedbyhighlevelsofemotionalintensityandresourceexchange(Wellman1979;MarsdenandCampbell1984).Disposabletiesareimportantexceptionstothisrule.Strongyetweak,crucialyetunstable,youngyetdemanding,personalyetsupercial—involving“strangers,”each“nearandfaratthesametime”(Simmel[1908]1971,p.148)—disposabletiesoftenarechar-acterizedbyashortdurationbuthighlevelsofpropinquityandbylowlevelsoftrustbuthighlevelsofresourceexchange.Theyresembleakindofadmixtureofprimaryandsecondarycontacts,touseCooley’s([1902]1964)terms.Iftheydonotatalltcomfortablywithinthestrong/weaktieframework,thereasonisthatdisposabletiesinvolvethecomminglingoftypicallyantipodalattributes,unitingcharacteristicsthattendtobeinverselyrelated.Disposabletiesrepresentacaseinwhichtheconven-tional(andotherwiseusefullyparsimonious)binaryseparatingweaktiesfromstrongonesfallsapart.Perhapsthiswasthecasebecausetheweak/strongtiebinaryismodeledonmiddle-classexperiences.Withindifferentcontexts,what,onemightwonder,istheruleandwhattheexception?Indrawingattentiontotheimportanceofapeculiarkindoftie,thisstudyhasdugup,ifonlybyaccident,anoldquestioninnetworkanalysis:What,precisely,atie?Or,moreprecisely,whichtiesshouldwecareabout(seeBurt1984;Zuckerman2003)?Aclassicstatementonthisques-tionisLaumann,Marsden,andPrensky’s(1983)essayonthe“boundaryspecicationproblem.”Theessayidentiestwocommonstrategiesfordeningsocialnetworks:thenominalistapproach,inwhichtheresearcherdenesthenetworktoserveherownanalyticalpurposes,andthe,inwhichsocialactorsthemselvesdenethenetwork.Bothstrategiesareproblematic.Thenominalistapproachcancompelanalyststoignorecriticaltiestofocusonconventionalorconvenientconnectionsdeterminedaprioritobethemostimportant,whereastherealistapproachusuallydependsonactors’(imprecise,evenctionalized)accountsoftheirpersonalties(seeMarsden1990).Iadoptedanalternativeapproach—whatmightbecalledapragmaticapproach—inwhichtieswereprioritizeddependingonwhattheydid(cf.Tilly2005).Certaintieswereaccentuated AmericanJournalofSociologyandothersminimizeddependingontheirrelevancetoaspecicresearchquestion.Inthepragmaticapproach,theworkoftiespecicationarisesinductivelyoverthecourseoftheresearchendeavor,satisedaftersus-tainedethnographicobservation,forexample.Thisapproachdoesnotresolvetheboundaryspecicationproblem,butitavoidsit,inaway,bytreatingthecompositionofasocialnetworknotasanendinitselfbutasameanstoanend.Thendingsofthisstudyhaveopeneduppossibilitiesfornewlinesofresearch.Surveyresearcherscouldexploretheexplanatorysignicanceofdisposableties,developingmethodsthatbuildonapproachesdesignedtogatherinformationonweakties(cf.Lin,Fu,andHsung2001).Thiswouldrequiredesigningnewwaysofcollectinginformationaboutsocialnetworks,techniquesthatwouldnotconformtoconventionalcategories(family/friends)orestablishedbinaries(strong/weak).Suchadvanceswouldpavethewayfornewareasofinvestigationintotheroleofdis-posabletiesinthelivesofpeopleoccupyingvariouspositionsonthesocioeconomichierarchy.Qualitativeresearchers,fortheirpart,coulddelvedeeperintothecomplexdimensionsofdisposableties,investigatinghowpeoplelearntoformsuchties,howtheyinterprettheirmeaning,and,crucially,theconsequencesofrelyingondisposabletiesforfamiliesandcommunities.Morebroadly,theycouldcontributetotheworkofwideningandcomplicatingourtypologyofsocialnetworksandourter-minologyofhumanrelationships.ItwasonlyaftersustainedethnographiceldworkthatIdiscoveredauniquekindofrelationship,onecrucialtomanypoorfamiliesbutoverlookedbynetworkanalysts.Thisspeakstothepowerofethnographytouncoverdynamicsofeverydaylifepreviouslyundetectedbysociologistsandtoofferaccountsthatchallengeanddeepenourtheoriesofhowthesocialworldworks.This,toquoteKatz(1997,p.414),isperhaps“thesinglemostcompellingwarrantforethnography,”oneimplyingthat“nosocialresearchiscompletewithoutanethnographictreatmentofitssubjectmatter.”CONCLUSIONThisstudyhasdevelopedanalternativeexplanationtoStack’sthesisonsurvivalamongtheurbanpoor,onethathasemphasizedtheimportancenotofkinsupportbutofdisposableties.Thosestrivingtosurvivethestarkrealitiesofpovertyarenotlefttochoosebetweentwoextremealternatives—deepembeddednesswithinkinshipnetworksorcompleteisolationandindividualism—buthaveattheirdisposalathirdoption:disposableties.Inanalyzinghowdisposabletiesaregenerated,used,andterminated,thisarticlehascontributedtoourunderstandingofhownet- DisposableTiesandtheUrbanPoorworksoperateinpoorneighborhoods.Italsohasemployedethnographyintheserviceofinvestigatinghow,inthismodernmomentofpoliticalausterityandnancialinsecurity,aneraofincreasingurbanizationandinequality,welfareretrenchmentandmassimprisonment,risinghousingcostsandstagnantwagesandentrenchedjoblessness,thoseresignedtothemarginsofthemetropolisendureconditionsofseveredestitution(seeDuneier2007).Myndingsindicatethatitistimetorethinkthenetwork-basedsur-vivalstrategiesoftheurbanpoor.Byfocusingprimarilyonstrongandweakties,povertyresearchershavegeneratedusefulbutultimatelyin-completeaccountsofeverydaylifeandsocialrelationships.Thendingsofthisstudysuggestthatourmodelsofsocialinequalityanddisadvantagewouldbenetintermsofcomplexityandcomprehensionfromaconsid-erationofdynamicsassociatedwithdisposableties.Kinshipnetworksandfriendshipcircles,communitycollectivesandprimarygroups—thesetra-ditionallyhavebeenthestuffofanthropologicalandsociologicalethnog-raphy,evenassocialtheoristsofpreviousgenerationswroteofthein-creasingatomizationofmodernlifeandthefrayingofsocialbondsinurbancenters(Wirth[1938]1967;Durkheim[1897]1951)andevenascontemporarythinkersincreasinglyhaveidentiedthewaysinwhichdurableinequalityisproducedthroughrelationsbetweennonintimates(Tilly1998).Wehavemuchtolearn,then,bybreakingwithtraditionandstudyinginteractionsbetweenstrangers,eetingrelationships,andsocialdisorganization.Abackwardglancerevealsthatthisisnotabreakwithtraditionatallbut,aswithallsuchbreaks,areturntoone(e.g.,ZorbaughREFERENCESAnderson.Elijah.1999.CodeoftheStreet:Decency,Violence,andtheMoralLifeoftheInnerCity.NewYork:Norton.Auyero,Javier.2001.PoorPeople’sPolitics:PeronistSurvivalNetworksandtheLegacyofEvita.Durham,N.C.:DukeUniversityPress.Bernard,H.Russell,PeterKillworth,andLeeSailer.1981.“SummaryofResearchonInformantAccuracyinNetworkData,andontheReverseSmallWorldProblem.”Connections4:1–25.Black,Timothy.2009.WhenaHeartTurnsRockSolid:TheLivesofThreePuertoRicanBrothersOnandOfftheStreets.NewYork:Vintage.Booth,Charles.(1902–4)1970.LifeandLabourofthePeopleinLondon,17vols.NewYork:AMSPress.Bourdieu,Pierre.2000.PascalianMeditations.Stanford,Calif.:StanfordUniversityPress.Bourgois,Philippe.1995.InSearchofRespect:SellingCrackinElBarrio.NewYork:CambridgeUniversityPress.Bourgois,Philippe,andJeffSchonberg.2009.RighteousDopeend.BerkeleyandLosAngeles:UniversityofCaliforniaPress. 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