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JOURNAL for the of RELIGION CreatingaGodlessCommunityTheCollective IdentityWorkofContemporary AmericanAtheists J ESSE MS MITH DepartmentofSociology Basedon45indepthinterviewstextualanalysisandp ID: 285206

JOURNAL for the of RELIGION CreatingaGodlessCommunity:TheCollective IdentityWorkofContemporary AmericanAtheists J ESSE M.S MITH DepartmentofSociology Basedon45in-depthinterviews textualanalysis andp

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JOURNAL for the SCIENTIFIC STUDY of RELIGION CreatingaGodlessCommunity:TheCollective IdentityWorkofContemporary AmericanAtheists J ESSE M.S MITH DepartmentofSociology Basedon45in-depthinterviews,textualanalysis,andparticipantobservationwithsevendifferentatheistorgani- zations,thisarticleinvestigatesthecollectiveidentityworkofatheistsintheUnitedStates.Itexploresthesocial psychologicalandinteractionaldynamicsofatheistorganizationsaswellashowtheycontributetotheconstruc- tionandmaintenanceofatheistidentities.Idiscussthevariousstrategiesatheistsemployastheycollectively public.Thisisaccomplishedinpartthroughananalysisoftheidentitypoliticsandminoritydiscoursecontem- poraryatheistscurrentlyengage.Inaddition,andmorebroadly,thisstudyexplorestherelationshipbetween collectiveidentityandsocialactionthroughananalysisanddescriptionofcontemporaryatheistactivism. Keywords: atheists,collectiveidentity,collectiveaction,interactionism,qualitativemethods. I Therehavebeenatheistsinthiscountrysinceitsinception,butan expressed atheistpresence inU.S.societyhasneverbeenanythingotherthanaverysmallminority.Anddespitethe pervasivenessoftheism,andthehistoricalimportanceofreligioninAmerica,therehavefor sometimeexistedorganizationsthatinsteadprofferasecularand/orgodlessworldview.For theearly1940s.ButwiththeexceptionoftheAmericanAtheists,foundedbyMadalynMurray O’Hairin1963,onlywithinthelastdecadehaveexplicitlyatheistgroupsallacrossthecountry proliferatedandbecomeconspicuous.Thesegroupshavebecomeincreasinglyinterconnected, andanexpandingnetwork—anAmericanatheistcommunity—isdevelopingamorerecognizable placeinAmericanculture.TheInternetandnewsocialmediahavefacilitatedmuchofthis muchoftheatheistconversationindeedtakesplaceonline(SmithandCimino2012),butlike othergroupsandmovements,theInternetandsocialmediahavealsomobilizedindividualsand createdactive“concrete”communities.Indeed,the2012“WoodstockforAtheists,”wheretens ofthousandsofatheists(thelargestgatheringinU.S.history)descendedontheNationalMall, underscoresthisreality.Increasingnumbersofpeoplejoiningatheistgroupsandengagingin Thisresearchexaminesthedevelopmentofacommunity—viatheorganizingprinciples ofidentityandmeaning—thatstandsoutsidetheAmericansymbolicandmoralstructurestra- ditionallysuffusedwiththeism.Itexaminestherelationshipbetweencollectiveidentityand socialaction.Thus,investigatingthecollectiveidentityworkofatheistswilladdtothebroader UCB327,Boulder,CO80309,USA.E-mail:jesse.m.smith@colorado.edu JournalfortheScientiÞcStudyofReligion(2013)52(1):80Ð99 C  2013TheSocietyfortheScienticStudyofReligion ATHEISTCOLLECTIVEIDENTITY 81 understandingoftheprocessesofformation,negotiation,andmaintenanceofcontemporaryso- cialgroupsatthemargins.AtheistsintheUnitedStatesconstituteanespeciallysalientexample, particularlyusefultowardthisend,becauseunlikeotherminoritygroups,atheistsareviewed asnotonlydifferinginsomewayfromtherestofsociety,butashavingrejectedwhatmany Americansconsidertheveryfoundationofamoralandfunctioningsociety:beliefinGod.And asscholarshaveonlyrecentlybeguntorespond,inafocusedway,totheadmonitionputforth byCampbell(1972)over40yearsagothatthestudyofirreligionshouldbeofsociologicalcon- cern,andthatdoingsowillyieldanalyticalfruit,thepresentstudyisintendedtomeaningfully contributetothisresponse. B ACKGROUND SurveysvaryontheirestimatesofadultatheistsintheUnitedStates.TheAmericanReligious IdenticationSurvey(2009)reportslessthan1percent,whereastheWorldValuesSurvey(2005) reportsover4percent.Accordingtothesesurveys,thereareanywherefrom1.6milliontonearly 13millionatheists.Eitherway,thisrepresentsnoticeablegrowthconsideringonlyafewdecades agothenumberofself-identiedatheistswasinthelowhundreds-of-thousands nationwide . Butthediscrepancyintheestimatesreectsdeeperdifcultiesintallyingthenumberofactual atheists.Inpart,thisstemsfromaninconsistencybetweenthetechnicalmeaningofatheism—the absenceofbeliefinagod 1 —andotheridentities(freethinker,agnostic,naturalist,nontheist,etc.) thatmaynotcarrythesameconnotations.Difcultiesalsoariseinassessingwhethergrowthin thenumberofatheistsreectsmorewillingnessonthepartofthealreadyunbelievingpublic tousethelabel,oractualgrowthinthenumbersofthosewhodonotbelieveinGod.Italso seemsplausiblethatsurveysarenotcapturingtheactualnumbersofatheists,astheremaybe moreadultsinthegeneralpopulationwhoholdnobeliefinagod(technicallyatheist),butdonot self-identify,orreport,theiratheism. Irrespectiveofthe“true”currentnumber,atheistshavebecomeincreasinglyvisibleinthe media,andhavegainedinuence—ifonlyincremental—inthepublicandpoliticalsphere. Thoughstillamarginalizedanddismissedgroupinmanyways,theatheistcommunityenjoysan emergingsenseofbroaderlegitimacyandcollectivesolidaritythatdidnotpreviouslyexist.“New atheistmovement”hasbeeninusesinceatleast2007,when Wired magazinerananarticleusing thephrase.Althoughpartofmyanalysisisframedwithinthesocialmovementliterature, 2 whether ornotthegrowingatheistcommunityconstitutesaveritablesocialmovementisnotthecentral concernofthisarticle.Rather,thisstudyisconcernedwiththeconstructionofcollectiveidentity andmeaning,andtheirrelationshipwithcollectiveaction.However,thereislittlereasontodoubt thatorganizedatheismintheUnitedStatestodayhasmoresalientlydenedsocialandsymbolic boundariesandsocial/politicalgoals,andthereisstrongevidencethatithasdevelopedamore distinctpoliticizedgroupidentity—bothatleast elements oftheconceptofsocialmovements. AsthemissionstatementoftheAtheistAllianceofAmericaputsit:“[Our]visionisto transform societyintoonethatunderstandsandrespectsatheism;thatsupportsandrespectsaworldview basedonthevaluesofreason,empiricismandnaturalism;andthatrespectsandprotectsthe separationofreligionandgovernmentandtheconstitutionalandhumanrightsofatheistsas membersofsocietyinfree,democraticandopennations”(2011).Thisstatementischaracteristic ofmanyatheistorganizations,andalmostwithoutexception,organizedatheisminAmericatoday isorientedtowardthesesociopoliticalends. 1 SeeBullivantandRuse(2013)foradiscussionoftheusefulnessofthisversusotherdenitionsofatheismwithregards toconductingsocialscienticresearch. 2 Iusethesocialmovementliteraturebecausetheconceptofcollectiveidentityisemployedmostofteninthisliterature. 82 JOURNALFORTHESCIENTIFICSTUDYOFRELIGION Variousdenitionsofcollectiveidentityhavebeenprofferedovertheyears(seeMelucci 1995;Snow2001;TaylorandWhittier1992).Theconcepthasfounditselfusefulincohering disparatetheoreticalframeworkssuchasstructuralistaccountsofsocialactionandrational choicetheoriesofgroupparticipation(FriedmanandMcAdam1992);itisofstrongimportinthe constructivistparadigm(Melucci1995);andasmentioned,theusefulnessofcollectiveidentity asaconceptualtoolintheanalysisofsocialmovementshasbecomewellestablished.Beyond this,theconceptofcollectiveidentityisstudiedinitsownright,anditrepresentsanimportant partoftheanalyticalrepertoireforunderstandingsocialmeaningandactionmorebroadly.As scholarshaveshiftedfocusfromthestructuralandmaterialdimensionsofsocialactionand movementstowardmorethoroughtreatmentoftheissuessurroundingidentitygenerally,our scholarlyunderstandingofthemicro,socialpsychological,andinterpretiveprocessesunderlying socialactionhasdeepened.Scholarsgenerallyagreethatcollectiveidentityisessentialfor understandingtheseprocesses,andthatatbase,theconceptrefersto“theshareddenitionof agroupthatderivesfrommembers’commoninterests,experience,andsolidarity”(Taylorand Whittier1992:105),aswellas“asharedandinteractivesenseof“we-ness”and“collective agency”(Snow2001:1).Evenmoresimply,collectiveidentityis“apublicpronouncementof status”(FriedmanandMcAdam1992)—awayofindicatingtoselfandotherssomemeaningful identity.Butitisalsoimportantnottooverlyabstracttheconcept.AsPollettaandJasperoffer: “collectiveidentity[is]anindividual’scognitive,moral,andemotionalconnectionwithabroader community,category,practice,orinstitution”(2001:285).Collectiveidentityisthusaconcept withempiricalgrounding. Thescholarshiponcollectiveidentitymostrecentlyhashighlighteditssociallyconstructed nature.Takingfromthismyanalyticalpointofdeparture,Iemploytheconstructionistapproachin analyzingthecollectiveidentityworkofatheists.Inthisview,collectiveidentityisnotsomething apriori tocollectiveaction.Norisitsomethingthatbyitselfexplainscollectiveaction.Rather, collectiveidentity,likeotherformsofidentity,isconstructedinandthroughtheongoingdynamics ofsocialactionasitisplayedout,inrealtime,inthesocialarena.AsSnownotes:“collective identityisa process ,ratherthanapropertyofsocialactors”(2001:4).Ithighlightstheimportance ofmeaning,consciousness,andthesubjectiveinthediscussionofwhatpropelscollectiveaction andhowitoperatesinthecourseofeverydaysociallife. Althoughqualitativeworkonatheistsremainsinthebeginningstages,thelastfewyears haveproducedseveralstudiesinpursuitofunderstandingthesociodemographiccorrelatesof atheism(BakerandSmith2009;Cragun,Hammer,andSmithForthcoming);thesocialandmoral boundariesbetweenatheistsandtheists(Edgell,Gerteis,andHartmann2006);thepersonal identitydevelopmentofatheists(Smith2011);howatheistsnegotiatetheiridentities(Fitzgerald 2003);andhowatheistsrelatetoreligiousfamilyandcommunities(EcklundandLee2011). Somesociologicalanalysesexaminetheorganizationalstrategiesofatheists(CiminoandSmith 2007).Butnoextantqualitativestudydescribesthecollectiveidentityprocessesofatheists—that is,howtheygoaboutconstructingasharedunderstandingofthemselvesandhowthisrelatesto thecollectiveaction(s)ofthegrowingatheistcommunity. Closelyconnectedtocollectiveidentityconceptually,andempiricallyconnectedbyway offormationandprocess,isthenotionof identitywork .Inanowclassicstatement,Snow andAndersondeneidentityworkasagenericprocessthatrefersto“therangeofactivities individualsengageintocreate,present,andsustainpersonalidentitiesthatarecongruentwith andsupportiveoftheself-concept(1987:1348).Althoughtheyfocusedonpersonalidentity, Iaddtothisliteraturebydiscussinghowidentityworkfunctionswithincollectiveidentity. Takinginsightsfromeachoftheseconcepts,combinedwiththebroaderconceptualframework ofthesociallyconstructednatureofcollectiveidentityandaction,isthebasisofthefollowing analysis.Iexploretheprocessesofcollectiveidentityconstructionandhowcontemporary Americanatheistsarebuildinganactivecommunity.Ibeginwithadiscussionofthemethods usedinthestudybeforeofferingananalysisofthecollectiveidentityworkofatheistsbyway ATHEISTCOLLECTIVEIDENTITY 83 oftwogenericconceptualcategories,“seekingcommunity”and“seekingchange.”Within these,Idescribeanddiscusshowatheistscollectivelydenethemselves,offersupporttoone another,challengeandcompetewithreligionthroughidentitypolitics,andengageinsocial activism. M ETHODS Thisarticledrawsondatacollectedaspartofabroaderprojectonatheistidentity.Iemploy acombinationofqualitativemethodsincludingparticipantobservation,in-depthinterviews,and interpretiveandtextualanalysisofvariouskindsofdocumentation.Duringmultiyeareldwork withsevendifferentatheistgroupsinColoradoandTexas,Iparticipatedindozensofatheist functionsincludingsmalllocalgroupmeetings,largerconferencesandworkshops,volunteer workactivities,sitesofatheistactivism,formaldebates,informalsocials,andanationalatheist convention.Theinterviewsampleconsistsof22malesand23femalesbetweentheagesof 18and74.Themajorityofrespondentswerewhite( n = 42)andhighlyeducated(38hada bachelor’sdegreeorbeyond;seetheAppendixforfurtherdemographicinformation).Interviews lastedbetweenoneandtwohours.Allparticipantsself-identiedasatheists,mostwere recruitedbysolicitationatatheistfunctions,andseveralwererecruitedinasnowballsampling fashion.Thus,thisstudyisbasedon—andcanonlymakeanargumentabout—atheistswho organize. Semi-structured,yetopenandconversational-style,interviewsallowedparticipantstospeak freelyabouttheissuesimportanttothemwhilestilladdressingthebasicconcernsoftheresearch. Idigitallyrecordedandtranscribedallinterviews.Idisclosedmyroleasaresearchertoeveryone Iinterviewed,andleftthemwithcontactinformationsotheycouldfollowupwithmelaterifthey chose.Aftertranscribingallinterviews,Iusedacombinationofline-by-lineandfocusedcoding tobegintheanalysis(Emerson2001).Ialsokeptdetailedeldnotesthroughouttheresearch.I identiedpatternsinboththeinterviewandeldnotedata,madeandelaboratedonconceptual connections,andsortedthedatabydominantthemes. Finally,asubstantialaspectofthedatacollectionforthisarticlecomesfromotherdocument sources.From2008on,afterconnectingwithseveralatheistgroups,joininge-maillists,visiting dozensofatheistwebsites,subscribingtopopularatheist/secularmagazines,andengagingwith varioussocialmedia,Icollectedalargebodyofrelevanttextualdata.Thesedatainclude700 + e-mail,blog,andmessageboardcommunicationsbetweenatheistsfromsixdifferentatheist organizations.Ialsofollowednewsandthegeneraldiscourseregardingatheismfromvarious onlineandprintnewspapers,magazines,andsocialmediasources.Iprinted,reviewed,andcoded alloftherelevantdocumentationforanalysis.Iconstructedmyargumentaftercarefullysifting throughallthetextualdataandcomparingthemwiththeinterviewandparticipantobservation dataIhadobtainedintheeld. Consistentwithmuchqualitativeresearchofthiskind,Itookaninductiveandgrounded theoryapproachinanalyzingthedata(Charmaz2001).Idevelopedtheconceptsandarguments belowoutoftheempiricaldatacollectedthroughouttheresearchprocess.Ratherthannarrowing inonlyonthedatathatsupportedwhatwasbecomingsalientintheanalysis,Ialsoscrutinized anycountervailingevidenceorotherkindsofinformationthatdidnotseemto“t”properly withinthedevelopinganalysis.Asqualitative,interview-basedresearch,thisstudyhaslimited generalizability.However,giventhedepthofthedatacollected,thenationalrepresentation ofatheistsinpartsoftheresearchsetting,andtheanalysisofdocumentationthatextends wellbeyondtheregionalsettingoftheeldwork,theforthcominganalysisisnevertheless suggestive ofthebroadercollectiveidentityprocessesoftheorganizedatheistcommunityat large. 84 JOURNALFORTHESCIENTIFICSTUDYOFRELIGION T HE C OLLECTIVE I DENTITY W ORKOF A THEISTS AlthoughmillionsofAmericansdonotbelieveintheexistenceofagod,thisnonbeliefitself doesnotimplyaneedtojoinacommunityofnonbelievers,oreventoidentifywithoneofthe manytermsassociatedwithnonbelief.Nevertheless,evidencesuggeststheatheistcommunityis becomingmoremember-based.Despiteoftrepeatedsentiments(oftenbyatheiststhemselves) alongthelinesof“organizingatheistsislikeherdingcats,”accumulatingevidencesuggests atheistscan,andare,organizingthemselves—anddoingsowithsomemeasureofsuccess.The diffusionanddisorganizationthathascharacterizedatheistsappearsincreasinglytobesomething ofthepast.Thismeansthetheoreticalimportofcollectiveidentityworkisnowmoresignicant andmeaningfulintermsoftheneedforbetterconceptualizationandbroaderunderstandingof theatheistcommunity. SeekingCommunity:IdentityandGroupConsciousness Socialmediahaveplayedanimportantroleinthegrowthanddevelopmentoftheatheist communityoverthelastdecade.Localgroupscannowconnectandworkmoreeffectivelytoward growingtheirmembership.Muchoftheeffortincreatingamorevibrantatheistcommunity, bothonlineandoff,hasrevolvedaroundappealingtotheperceivedscoresofatheistswho arealreadyoutthere,butwhoarenotyet“out”orinvolvedinthecommunity.Thephrase “seekingcommunity”isparticularlyaptinthecaseofatheistsbecauseactivistshavefocused ondrawingoutandmobilizingnonbelieversalreadypresentinsociety.Atheists,sometimes lamentingtheorganizationalstrengthsoftheirreligiouscounterparts,investworkinbuilding anactivecommunitybyrallyingandorganizinganalreadyextantconstituencybyencouraging closetedatheiststocomeout. Buttherearereasonsforanonbelievertoavoidreferringtohimselforherselfasanatheist,let alonejoinofcialgroups.Avoidingidenticationwithatheismprimarilyhastodowithitsdeviant andstigmatizedstatusinAmericanculture.Edgell,Gerteis,andHartman(2006)discusshow atheistsintheUnitedStatesareviewedasanessentialother—anundesirableorevenevilthreat tothebasicmoralorder.Itisnotsurprisingthen,asCragun,Hammer,andSmith(forthcoming) recentlyobserved,thatthisattitudesometimesresultsindiscriminationagainstatheists.Given thatthepublic’sdistrustofatheistsisevenmoresalientthantheirdistrustofalmostanyother minoritygroup,itisnotsurprisingthatanonbelieverwouldresistthelabel“atheist.”Butthese arethepeoplewhotheorganizingatheistcommunityisattemptingtobringintotheirranks.This ofteninvolvesorganizersdeclaringthatthereisindeedacommunityofatheistsoutthereandthat theyarepoisedtoofferasupportivesocialstructuretothosethatdesireit. AtheistAwarenessandIdentitySupport TheAmericanchapterofthe“OutCampaign,” 3 sponsoredbytheRichardDawkinsFoun- dation,isanotableexampleofthesekindsofefforts.Anappealtothepublicasoutlinedon theFoundation’swebsitereads:“ComeOut:Atheistsarefarmorenumerousthanmostpeople realize.COMEOUTofthecloset!You’llfeelliberated,andyourexamplewillencourageothers toCOMEOUTtoo...ReachOut:...letothersknowtheyarenotalone”(RichardDawkins Foundation2011).Suchpronouncementsarenotputforwardonlybyhigh-prolepublicatheists. OnelocalorganizerofasmallColoradogroupremarksplainly:“Forpeoplewhoarecloseted nonbelievers,wejustwantthemtoknowthereareotherpeopleouttherewhothinkthesame waytheydo.”CommentsfromordinaryatheistsoftenreecttheimplicationmadebytheOut Campaignthattherearemanymoreatheistsouttherethanisrealized—theyjustneedtobecome 3 Otherexamplesincludethe“WeAreAtheism,”andthe“GoodwithoutGod”campaign. ATHEISTCOLLECTIVEIDENTITY 85 moreawareofeachother.Asonebloggerremarked:“Therearemoreofusouttherethanthere areofmanyotherminoritygroupsthatgetspecicrecognition,yetpeopleoftenseemtothink wearepracticallynonexistent.”Likewise,therecentatheistbillboardandbuscampaignsmade similarappealstoclosetedatheists.Oneleaderremarkedonthepurposeofaprojecthewas involvedin:“Thesinglemajorgoalofthisbillboardprojectistoreachouttothe450,000citizens ofColorado(10percentofthetotalpopulation)whodon’tbelieveingodandarefeelingisolated andmarginalized.” Theimplicationthatatheismisaccompaniedbyisolationandsocialmarginalizationisalso apparentinthecommentsof“everyday”atheists;asAmy 4 remarksinanonlineposting:“Many atheistsarealone,likeyingaglidersolo.Wetakeresponsibilityforouractionsandstandon ourowntwofeet...wedonothavethesupportofreligion[or]thepromiseoflifeafterdeath.” Thesuggestionthatatheists,lackingthesocialbenets,inclusion,andtheready-madeanswers toexistentialquestionsthatreligionprovides,andwhoarethuscompelledto“makeitontheir own,”signiesthesentimentsofmanyoftheatheistsIencountered.Therhetoricofisolation andthefeelingsof“yingsolo”areimportantforbothincentivizingthebuildingofanatheist community,andforsharingadistinctsenseofcollectiveexperience. Groupsacrossthecountryhaveadvertisedonbillboardsandthesidesofbuseswithstatements suchas“Don’tBelieveinGod:YouareNotAlone”and“NoGod,NoProblem:BeGoodfor GoodnessSake.”Thesevisiblepublicspacemessages,inadditiontoattractingmediaattention androusingcontroversy,appeartohavehadsomeintendedeffect.Cynthia’scommentstoalocal organizerreectthesentimentsofsomereachedbythecampaign:“Isawyourbillboardjust downthestreetfromwhereIcurrentlylive.Itreallyencouragedme,Ihavebeenaloneforso longsurroundedbymyChristianfamily.”Howmanyrespondedtotheawarenesscampaignby joininggroupsisdifculttoassess.OneCaliforniagroupreportedthatthebillboardeffortgained them60newmembersinjustonemonth.Butregardlessofactualmembergrowth,theseefforts hadtheeffectofheighteningthecollectiveawarenessoftheatheistcommunity.Althoughsome simplyjoinedafterlearningabouttheexistenceofalocalgroup,mostweredrawninnotmerely bydintoflearningtherewere“like-minded”individualsgettingtogetherintheircommunities, butafterbeingpersuadedbythestrategiesoforganizers.Thesestrategies,discussedbelow,are characteristicofsocialmovements,andpromotecollectiveidentity.ButasFriedmanandMcAdam (1992)note,collectiveidentitiesandmovementsarenotcreatedfromscratchorbecauseisolated individualssimplychoosetoidentifywithandjointhem.Rather,theytypicallycomeembedded inexistingsocialarrangementsthatincorporateothervaluedidentitiesandorientations.This meansatheistgroupshavehadtoemployavarietyofidentityincentivesinordertogrow.Indeed, Ifoundorganizersrarelyincentivizeparticipationinthecommunitybyappealingonlytothe sharedattributeofabsenceofbeliefinGod.Instead,thepositivesocialvaluesoffreethinking, scienticprogress,socialjusticeandequality,charity,andissuesofcitizenshipappearinthe rhetoricofrecruiters.WebsitestypicallymakestatementssimilartothisonefromaColorado group:“Wevalueandpromotescience,reason,andcriticalthinking....Weholdthatbeliefsmust beformedonthebasisofscienceandlogicinsteadofemotion,authority,traditionordogma.” Naturalisticandscienticworldviewsandhumanisticvaluesareeithermadeexplicit,orstrongly implied,inmuchatheistdiscourse.Thisisalsoapparentintheconversationsatheistshavewith oneanother.Insomecases,atheismisevenviewedasincidentalto—althoughmostcompatible with—scienceandhumanistvalues.AsSteve,a27-year-oldImetatagroupsocialtellingly remarkedwhenaskedabouthisviewsonreligion:“Ireallyconsidermyselfmorepro-science thanIdoantireligious.It’sonlywhenreligiontriestoinuenceorblockscienticprogressthat Ibecomeangryaboutit.”Fromourconversation,itbecameclearthattheatheistgroupwasfor 4 Allnamesusedthroughoutarepseudonyms.Quotesfrominterviewsarenoted;otherwise,theyreecttheonline communicationsdiscussedinthe“Methods.” 86 JOURNALFORTHESCIENTIFICSTUDYOFRELIGION Steveprimarilyavenueforadvocatingscienceandreason,andonlypartlyaboutjoiningothers intheirnonbelief.Thus,organizedatheismisnotmerelythecoalescenceofindividualsaround asingleissue:theirlackofbeliefinagod.Rather,ittendstoinvolveandimplyahostofother socialandpoliticalissues,andothergoal/value-orientedactivities.Thesesocialgoods,andthe individualbenetsofferedbyatheistgroups,arereadilyapparentinthelanguageofboththe publiccampaigns,andintheconversationsofatheists. Althoughatheistscannotemployanyclearinstitutionalstructureorsetof“preexisting solidarities”(PolletaandJasper2001)tomotivateparticipation, 5 afocusonscience,education, rationality,evidence-basedthinking,andotherbasicEnlightenmentvaluesclearlyformpartof therhetoricalrepertoirethroughwhichtheymaketheirappeals—appealsthatgureheavilyinthe “identityframing”strategiesdiscussedbysocialmovementscholars.Peopledistillthesevalues byreferringtoindividualsofhistorical/culturalimportwhomtheythinkembodyorrepresent them.Forinstance,manylocalmeetingsincludepresentationsthathighlightprominentscientists, authors,philanthropists,andotherculturalelite(pastorpresent)whoareatheists,andwhoare generallyviewedbythepublicashavingpositivelycontributedtosociety.Thepointhereisthat whenanindividualjoinsanatheistgroup,heorsheisoftenafrmingotherpro-social,normative, andsociallydesirableidentitiesandvaluesthatareconsistentwiththatofthebroaderculture.This representsonewaythatthecollectiveeffortsofatheistsfocusoninuencingthepublic’sview ofthem.Theafrmationofpro-socialandmainstreamvaluesispartoftheidentity“framing” processes(SnowandMcAdam2000)ofsocialgroups.Thatis,organizationsmusteffectively linkwiththepersonalmeaningstructuresandvalueorientationsofindividualsinordertosurvive andsucceed.Asatheistscollectivizeandcoordinate,thevalues,motives,andgoalstheyshare cometoreexively“actback”onthegrowingcollectivity,eventuallyprovidinganorganizational andinterpretiveframeworkthatwillhelptosettheparametersforfutureparticipants. Structuralandnetworkexplanationsofwhypeoplejoinparticulargroupsormovements ultimatelylocatethecausesasbeingoutsidetheindividual(FriedmanandMcAdam1992). Regional,structural,andstatuspositionsareimportantinuencesintheidentitygroupswith whichpeoplecometoafliate.Theseexplanationsarerelevanttoatheistsgiventhefactthat whereonelives,whatsocialpositionsonecomestooccupy(e.g.,vocationalandeducational statuses),andwhataperson’ssocialbackgroundwaslikegenerallywillplayaroleinone’s groupafliations.Thesefactors,alongwiththesocialanddemographiccorrelatesofatheism, arediscussedatlengthelsewhere(seeCragun,Hammer,andSmith2012).However,themicro andpersonalmeaningstructures,andthedesireofindividualstocarveoutmeaningfulself- conceptsfromtheexpandingalternativeidentityoptionsavailabletothem,areatleastequally importantforexplainingmovementparticipationandgroupbelongingasarethestructuralfactors. Althoughtheappealstotheatheistpublic,andthespecicstrategiesofrecruitmentusedto bringinnewmembersareclearlyrelevant,thesedonotbythemselvesexplainthebasicsocial psychologicalprocessesorreasonsfortheemergenceof—andindividualparticipationin—an atheistcommunity.Developmentofthiscommunityhaslesstodowithpeoplebeingconvinced byorganizersthattheyshouldjoin“theghtforreason”thanwiththeprocessesinvolvedin individuals’valueorientations,self-concepts,motivations,andneedforgroupsolidarityand meaning.Here,thespoiledidentitythesisandtheidentityvericationargumentprovideuseful insights(seeSnowandMcAdam2000).Thespoiledidentitythesisholdsthatpersonalidentities thatcorrespondtostigmatizedcategoriesencouragepeopletoseekoutandparticipateinsocial groupsthatchallengethemainstream’snegativeviewofthegroup.Anintegralpartofthisprocess iswhatthevericationthesisunderscores:thatthesesocialgroupsinturnbecomeanimportant sourceofidentityvalidation;asupportivestructureandidentityresourcefromwhichindividuals canreworktheirstigmatizedpersonalidentities(or potentially stigmatizedforthosewhoarenot 5 InthesamewaythatcivilrightsactivistsdrewonpreexistingchurchnetworksandspecicChristiantheologies. ATHEISTCOLLECTIVEIDENTITY 87 “out”)intosomethingthatbecomesmorestable,concrete,andimprovestheself-conceptthrough thelegitimizingforcesofgroupparticipation. Sean,amaninhis60s,intalkingaboutthenegativeviewstowardunbelievers,discussedin aninterviewwhyhejoinedagroupseveralyearsago.Hiscommentsillustratetheimportanceof belonging:“[Ineeded]agroupthatsupportedrationalthought.It’sasocialoutlet,achurchfor peoplewhodon’tgotochurch[laughs].IwantedtobewiththosewhothinkthewayIdo.It’s morecomfortable...it’skindoflikeasupportgroup.”Similarly,Tim,amaninhisearly20s whohadmovedtoaveryconservativetowninColoradoafterservinginthemilitaryremarked: “Beforethegroup,Iwasprettylonelyouthere.Ineededafreethinkingcommunity....Imoved hereandrealizedthatIneededsomesupportandsomenewfriends.Iwasfeelinguncomfortable inthisverytheistcommunity.”Manyechoedtheideathattheyreceivedencouragementandfelt morecomfortablewiththeiratheismafterjoiningagroup. Sometimes,joiningagroupinvolvesamoredramaticexperience.Darren,amaninhis50s, andaformerCatholicwhoexperiencedabusebyhisreligiousleaders,sharedhisexperience withme:“oneday,Icameacrossacopyof FreethoughtToday .Ithadanarticleabout‘Black CollarCrime’andittalkedabouttheabuseofchildrenintheCatholicChurch.Anditwasthe rsttime...thatI’deverheardhonestdiscussionabouttheproblem.”Afterthisexperience,he immediatelysoughtoutatheistandseculargroups.Severalothersdiscussedhowtheysoughtout groups,inpart,asameansofescapingthereligiousorganizationstheygrewupwith.Inthislight, thenotionofanatheistgroupasa“supportgroup”for“ex-believers”orasaplacewhere,asone atheistremarked,onecould“recoverfromreligion”seemstocarrysomeweight.Manymeetings involvepeoplesharingtheirstoriesofhowtheycametoidentifyasanatheist.Groupmembers drawintellectualandemotionalsupportfromoneanother,validateeachother’snonbelief,and encourageoneanothertobemoreassertiveabouttheirviews. DeÞningÒWeÓandSharedExpressiveAtheism Muchliketheself-describedheathensSnook(2008)studiedinherexaminationoftheidentity workandcommunitydynamicsofneopaganism,atheistsputsignicantworkintodiscussing, dening,andnegotiatingjustwhatitmeanstobeanatheist.Infact,Idiscoveredasubstantial amountoftimebothinonlineconversations,andgroupgatherings,isconsumedbya(sometimes contentious)back-and-forthonthemeaningofatheismitself.Considerthefollowingfromonline exchangesbetweenmembersofseveraldifferentgroups,“Ithinkmostpeoplethinkatheismisthe beliefthatthereisnogod.Thatisincorrect.Atheismissimplythelackofbeliefingod(s).Atheism isnotabelief.Atheismisnotareligionoraphilosophy.It’sjusttheabsenceofabeliefintheism.” Contrastwiththis:“Peoplethinkthatatheismisalackofbelief.Theyarewrong.Atheismisa belief.Itisbeliefinphilosophyandscienceasopposedtoreligion....Itseekstodeneright fromwrongthroughphilosophy(ethics)ratherthanvaguenotionsandunfoundedrules.”Having siftedthroughextensivecorrespondence,Ifoundthesecommentsrepresentreasonablywellan importantidentityconversationthatistakingplaceintheatheistcommunity. Thus,evenatheiststhemselvesdonotuniformlyagreeonthemeaningofatheism.The collectiveworkof deÞning atheismconstitutesanimportantpartoftheactiveandongoing negotiationofnotjustthemeaningoftheword,butalsothemeaningofwhatandwhoatheists are collectively.Thisraisesthequestionofhowcollectiveidentitybecomespossiblewithout consensusevenonthemeaningofatheismitself.Ironically,theunderscoringofdifferencecan resultinthissenseof“we.”AsHunsbergerandAltemeyer(2006)found,atheiststendtoplace highvalueonautonomouscriticalthought.Butthisisnotjustanabstractvalueformanyatheists; itisaproductofbiography,narrative,andinteraction.AsSmith(2011)found,atheiststendto perceivetheiratheismastheresultofcriticalassessmentandindependenceofthought.This isespeciallythecaseforatheistswhohaveundergoneadeconversionprocessandwhohadto strugglewiththeirownreligionsoforiginandformerfaiths.Indeed,asthePewForum’srecent “U.S.ReligiousKnowledgeSurvey”(2010 ) shows,atheistsrankedhighestintermsofgeneral 88 JOURNALFORTHESCIENTIFICSTUDYOFRELIGION knowledgeofreligion—suggestingthatthosewhocometoidentifyasatheistshavespentmore timethanothersinlearningaboutreligionandanalyzingitsclaims.Thisindividualpenchantfor thenarrativeofcriticalfreethoughtbecomesavaluedcollectiveend.Oneparticipantsumsupthe viewsofmany,“I’mamemberofmanyatheistorganizations.Ithasbeenincreasinglyobvious thatatheistsarenotoflikeminds.Suretheymayfeelthattheywanttobearoundpeoplewho don’thaveabeliefinagod,butthatissuchasmallpartofwhatmakesarelationship....Atheists comefromallwalksoflife.”Theseatheistsconsiderthemselvesautonomous,freethinking,and independent-minded.Butscholarshaverecentlyexaminedthevalues,beliefs,attitudes,andsocial characteristicsofatheistsandothersecularistsandweknowfromsuchresearchthatatheistsin theUnitedStates do sharemanysociodemographicandideologicalcharacteristics(seePasquale 2012foraninformativeaccountofthesociodemographicsimilarities,aswellasthediversity foundwithinsecularandatheistgroups).Forinstance,BakerandSmith(2009)showthatatheists aremorelikelytobeyoung,educated,single,andpoliticallyliberal.Variablessuchaslivingina cityversusruralareascanbeimportantpredictorsaswell(Hunter2010).Buttheseatheiststended tooverlooksuchsocialpatternsandinsteadfocusedondifference.Itisinpartthissharedfocus ondifferenceitselfthatsomewhatcounterintuitivelyactsasameansofunitingandorganizing atheists.Thecommonnarrativeofindividualismanddifferencelendsitselftoasharedsenseof experienceandidentity. Itisnotonlytheperceptionofuniquenessandindividualdifference—consistentwithwhat socialpsychologistsrefertoas personalidentity —thatatheistshaveincommon.Inadditionto thecollectivenarrativeofdifference,broadconsensusexistsamongtheseatheistsregardingtheir overallnaturalisticworldview.Whenaskedbyanationalseculargroupwhat“fundamentals” atheistsshare,oneatheistresponded,“I’ddenitelysaythatthephrase‘LoveofLife’isa standardthingamongatheists,whichisironicallycontrarytowhatmanybelieversthinkabout us.Also,[wehave]‘knowledge,’‘understanding’andastrongsenseofinnateethics.”Though otheranswerstothisquestionweremoreorlesselaborate,eachtendedtocoalescearoundthis basicidea;thatatheistsarelife-afrming,informedcitizens,withastrongsenseofmorality.But ifthisquotationseemsmoresentimentthanstatementofveriedfact(aswecannomoresaywith certaintythatthesequalitiesare“astandardthing”amongtheists),thisisnotcoincidental.The necessityofsharedpositiveaffectforthecollectiveidentityconstructionofanysocialgrouphas beenobserved.AsPollettaandJasper(2001)argues,collectiveidentityisnotonlyanindividual’s cognitiveconnectionandsharedsenseofidentitywithagrouporcommunity;itinvolvesboth moralandemotionalconnectionsaswell.Infact,asSnow(2001)states,onlywhenasocialgroup isactivatedor“infused”withasharedsenseofaffectivityandmoralitycanitproperlybetermed acollectiveidentity. Theeverydayinteractionsandcommunicationsofatheistswithoneotherrevealtheirdevel- opmentofaffectivebonds.Facilitatedespeciallybysocialmediaandnetworking,moreatheists aregettingtogetherintheircommunities.Nolongerisitthecaseasitwasjustundertwodecades agothatsmallgroupsmetwitheachotheronceamonthinapubliclibraryorotherrentedspace. Today,theatheistcommunitylandscapeofactivityincludesbothformalandinformalweekly socials,atheistcampingexcursions,“godlessdrinking”atlocalbars,sciencemuseumeldtrips, atheistparentingworkshops,debates,wintersolsticeparties,kids’“skepticretreats,”atheistcon- certevents,atheistblooddrives,bookclubs,scienceeducationevents,yingspaghettimonster socials,andeven“atheistskydiving.”Suchactivitiesofcoursegowellbeyondthe“topic”of atheism.Thesegatheringsaremoreaboutcreatingcommunityandenjoyingsolidaritythrough socialactivity.Atheistsareincreasinglyconstructingtheaffectivebondssocentraltocollective identitiesandformingthe“emotionalcommunities”(Hetherington1998)thatfostersolidarity andfacilitatecollectiveaction.Thisisrevealedinthesomewhatjocundpracticeofsharingpithy quotesonlinewithoneanotherthatpokefunatreligionorinsomewayimplythevirtuesof atheism:“Giveamanash,andyou’llfeedhimforaday;givehimareligion,andhe’llstarveto deathwhileprayingforash!”Or,“GoodluckandGodLess!”Thisrelativelylow-costformof ATHEISTCOLLECTIVEIDENTITY 89 emotiveexpressionhastheimmediate“microvalidation”effectoftighteningthesocialandaffec- tivebondsbetweenatheistsandencouragingfurtheronandofineinteraction,aswellastheless immediatelyapparentresultoffacilitatingatheistsolidarityatthecommunityandorganizational levelovertime. Theaffectivebondsforgedbyatheistscomeaboutnotjustthroughtheexchangeofquips. Noraretheyeffectivewithoutabroadersocialcontextand“atheistexperience”fromwhich todrawupon.AsMelucci(1995)hasstressed,affectivetiesandcollectiveemotiveforcesare onlypossibleinthecontextofabroaderinterpretiveeldofsocialmeaning,andthesymbolic, cultural/materialresourcesthatareforgedoutofinteractionitself.Theseresourcesthen,in areexivemanner,becomeavailabletotheirparticipantstodrawfromastheycontinueto collectivelyconstructthemselvesandnegotiatecommunity.The“content”ofanatheistcollective identityisthusrevealedbytheemploymentoftheseresources.Pollettaputsitplainly:“collective identitiesareexpressedincultural[andsymbolic]materials—names,narratives,symbols,verbal styles,rituals,clothingandsoon.”(2001:285). Collectiveatheistidentityisexpressedthroughavarietyofthesecultural/symbolicmaterials. Notsurprisingly,atheistwritings,symbols,clothing,andothermaterialshavegrowninnumber andpopularitycommensuratewiththegrowingcommunityitself.OnRichardDawkins’swebsite alone,onecanpurchasealmostanyoftheitemstypicallyofferedtoconsumersbyorganizations andtheir“brands”—fromatheistt-shirts,tojewelry,tocoffeemugsandkeychains.These materialsaremorethanjustthingspurchasedforpersonalenjoyment;theybecomeidentity markers,or“badges”thatannounceapersonallyvaluedattribute,andmakesometimesbold statementstoothersaboutwhoapersonis(Gardner1995:3).Thepopular“scarletletter:‘A’”for instance,printedonallkindsofproducts,isoneofthemorerecognizableatheistsymbols(the resultofatheistsacrossthenationsubmittingideasforaninternationalatheistsymbol).Although consistentwiththeconcernsofindividualismdiscussedearlier,theseatheistcultural/symbolic materialsarenotonlyexpressionsofpersonalidentities,oridiosyncraticpenchants.Theyare ofcollectiveconcernandexpresscollectiveidentityinthat,inadditiontoshowingsolidarity asamemberofabroaderatheistcommunity(orseekingcontroversywiththoseoutsidethe community),theycanbeusedwiththeintentionofaccomplishingstrategicandcollectivegoals. John,alocalorganizerwhowasproducinghisownatheistmerchandise,remarked:“Thegoal withmyshirtand[atheist]designwerenottoscreamatheismorbashreligion,butinsteadto serveasacuriousstimulusthatcouldhelpstartasimpledialoguewithsomeoneopentoit.The shirtscouldalsohelpincreaseoutreachtootherclosetatheistswhodon’tknowaboutourgroup.” AndmemberStephanieagreesthatthesesymbolicidentitymarkerscanbeusefultoolsforthe atheistcommunityinobtainingspeciedobjectives:“Wehavetobeconspicuousinpublicin anonconfrontationalway.Thismeanstoroamaroundinpublicactinglikeeveryoneelse,but wearingsomethingthatidentiesyouasanatheist.Theproblemisthatmostbelieversdon’t knowanyatheistsinpublicsotheydon’thaveanywayofrealizingthatwearen’tanydifferent fromthem.” Ofcourse,noteveryatheistwouldagreeto“roamaround”donningovert“atheistsigniers” orevenagreeinprincipletotheideaofdistinguishingthemselvesinanywaywithatheist symbols.However,asmemberswouldliketoseeatheismbecomemoresociallyacceptable,and demonstratetothepublicthatthereisindeedacommunityofatheistsinthiscountry,andthatthis communityisnotathreattoAmericanlife,thisisgenerallyviewedasagoalworthcollectively pursuingbyavarietyofmeans. Anotherimportantaspectofcollectiveidentityproductionincludeswrittenmaterialsthat expressandadvocateanatheistperspective.Inadditiontolocalefforts,therehavebeenrecent foraysintoformaltransnationaldeclarationsmeanttorepresententirenonbelievingsegmentsof democraticnations.Forexample,the2010WorldAtheistConferenceinCopenhagensponsored bytheAtheistAllianceInternational—whoserecentmergerwithAmericanAtheistswaspurposed inorderto“strengthenboththeUnitedStatesandinternationalatheistcommunity”—producedthe 90 JOURNALFORTHESCIENTIFICSTUDYOFRELIGION “CopenhagenDeclarationonReligioninPublicLife,”whichoutlinedaboutadozensociopolitical propositionsthatrevealanunderlyingconcernwithwhatitmeanstobeanonbelieverand/or partoftheatheistcommunity.Inadditiontoafrmingstatementsaboutdemocracyandequality, thedocumentisexplicitlyinclusiveofnonbelieversinallareas“ofpubliclifeandtheirright toequalityoftreatment”init.Speciccriticismsofreligionareoffered,andthevaluesof nonbelieversasserted:“Werejectanyspecialconsiderationforreligioninpoliticsandpubliclife, andopposecharitable,tax-freestatus...forthepromotionofanyreligionasinimicaltothe interestsofnon-believers....Werejectallblasphemylawsandrestrictionsontherighttocriticize religion....Wesupporttherighttoseculareducation,andasserttheneedforeducationincritical thinkingandthedistinctionbetweenfaithandreasonasaguidetoknowledge”(Copenhagen Declaration2010). Butofcialdeclarationsdonotsimplyreecttheviewsofanalreadycollectivelydened will.Rather,itisconstitutiveofgroupconsciousnessitself.AsTaylorandWhittier(1992) discuss,groupconsciousnessisakeyingredienttotherelationshipbetweencollectiveidentity andcollectiveaction.Thisisbecause consciousness ofmembershipinacollectivityitselfimparts alargersocialsignicancetothatcollectivity;andoneprimarywayinwhichconsciousnessis constructedandimpartedisthroughthedevelopmentof“aformalbodyofwritings,speeches, anddocuments”(TaylorandWhittier1992:114).Oneshouldexpectthatasatheistscontinueto organize,theformalbodyofwritings,speeches,anddocumentswilllikewisegrow. SeekingChange:AtheistActivismandIdentityPolitics Establishingtheelementsofcommunitythatgiverisetoasenseofcollectiveidentity crystallizesmorecompletelywithpurposefulsociopoliticalactivitiesdesignedtopromotesome collectiveend.Groupsupportandinternalvalidationforone’sidentityis,byitself,notsufcient formany.Seekingtochangethesocialmeaningandstatusofatheismandadvocatingspecic sociopoliticalideasbecomesharedgoalsthatorientandshapethecollectiveandorganizational actionsofatheists. ChallengingTheismandCompetingwithReligion Anidentitypoliticsrequiressometypeofperceivedoppressivestructurethatbecomesthe objectofresistanceandthetargetforwhichchangeissought.Formanysocialgroupsengaged inactivism,theircollectiveactionsaresquaredagainstconcreteadministrative,bureaucratic, economic,orotherstructuralforcesthatapplyinequitabletreatment—thusprovidingcause forgrievance.Organizedatheismresistsnotonlyalong-standingandhighlyvaluedhuman institution—organizedreligion—butalsochallengestheculturallyentrenchedbeliefintheun- derlyingandlegitimizingforceofthisinstitution—beliefinthesupernatural.Rejectingthiscan presentrealproblemsforatheists,explaininginpartthesometimesextremedistrustandpreju- diceleveledatthem(seeZuckerman2012foradetailedanalysisoftheformsandprocessesof rejectingreligionandtheisticbelief).Thus,constructingboundarieswithrelationtoreligionand theismareacentralaspectofthecollectiveidentityworkofatheists. Social,moral,andsymbolicboundariesareapparentinthecommunicationsandactivities ofatheists.Boundariesarecentraltocollectiveidentity“becausetheypromoteaheightened awarenessofagroup’scommonalitiesandframeinteractionbetweenmembersofthein-groupand out-group”(TaylorandWhittier1992:110).Themajorsubstantivesourceofcreatingboundaries foratheistsis—notsurprisingly—religionandtheism.Often,thismeansatheistsdiscussingtheir differencesfromtheists.AsBrad,alocalorganizerremarks: Howareourlivesdifferentfromthatofbelievers?Areatheistshappierthanbelievers?...Itstandstoreason thatatheists,whobelievewehavebutasinglelifetolivewouldhavestrongideasonhowtolivethatlife.This touchesonthosefundamentalquestionsthatmostatheistsareaskedbybelieversregardingmorality,ethics... ATHEISTCOLLECTIVEIDENTITY 91 [and]happiness.Ibelievethissortofexercise[addressingthesequestionswithotheratheists]isoneofmany necessarycomponentsofbuildingasolidsecularcommunity(somethingreligionshaveconsistentlybeatenus at...andwith). These“exercises”havetheeffectofclarifyingandstrengtheningcollectiveidentity.Of course,notalldiscussionsarequitesoabstractorneutralsounding.Morecombativestatements alsofrequentdiscussions.Inpartofalongcorrespondencewithfellowatheistsinresponseto controversialpubliccommentsmadebyaChristianaboutthenecessityofreligionforAmericans, Jasonhadthistosay: Weneedtogetournosesoutofthatvial[ sic ]book(thebible)andputtheminsteadintoascienticjournal.... Weneedtospendlesstimeprayingandmoretimeputtingourhandstowork....Putyourhandstogetherfor freedombydoingsomeworktoearnit.Thisisbattle.Itisserious....Ourveryfreedomisatstake.Wearenow ontheslipperyslope back tohorriblyandviolentoppression.Godistheonlyonewhocanputusthere.Reason istheonlyonewhocankeepusout! Butagain,atheistsdifferonhowbesttointeractandreacttotheistchallengesfromwithout. Argumentsconcerninglawsuitsadvancedbyaprominentatheistdemonstratethis.Manywere onboard,happytosignpetitionsconcerningavarietyoflegalissuessuchasprayerinschools, “God”onourcurrency,andahostofotherissues.Onerespondent,whofavoredatheistsasa grouplitigating,stated: Thepropagandaputforthbythereligiousrightandtheirpolitical...maneuversisgearedtoisolatereality fromtheirocksothattheycangetenoughSupremeCourtJusticesonthebenchtoabolishanyAmendment thatprotectsnonreligiouspeople....Wedoneedtolitigatebecausemuchofthepublicdoesn’tunderstandthe realityofhistory.Manyareconvincedthat“InGodWeTrust”hasalwaysbeenonourcurrency....Wearebeing attacked.Wehavenochoicebuttoghtbacktokeepourconstitutionintact. Whereasothersexpressedessentiallytheoppositeview: Thisisridiculous;whenwillatheistsrealizethatthewaytoconvertpeopleisnotthroughnit-pickybehavioror sophomoriclawsuits?Whatwedon’tneedispeopleghting“undergod”inthepledge,or“ingodwetrust”on money....Wealsodon’tneedmilitancy—isn’tthisthemodeweareghting?Wewillneverwinbysinkingto theirlevel. Thisback-and-forth,however,ultimatelydoesnotundermineunityandasharedsense ofidentityandpurpose.Thereasonforthisistwofold.First,thenarrativeofindependent- mindednessthatatheistsvaluendsexpressioninexchangesofthiskind.Second,andmore importantinthiscase,isthesharedsenseofacommonthreat.Bothstatementssuggestthat atheistsareultimately“ghting”againstignorance,unreason,andtheundesirableelementsof religion.Thisitselfprovidesenoughcollectivepurposetooverridedisagreementaboutwhat approachatheistsshouldtakeinaccomplishingtheirgoals.Organizedatheistsappearunitedon thekeyprinciplesoftheseparationofchurchandstate,asecularvaluesystem,andthepromotion ofscienceandevidence-basedreasoning.ThisisconsistentwithSnow’sobservationthat:‘The sharedperceptionsandfeelingsofacommoncause,threat,orfatethatconstitutetheshared ‘senseofwe’motivatepeopletoacttogetherinthenameof,orforthesakeof,theinterestofthe collectivity”(2001:4). Theboundariesatheistsconstructbetweenthemselvesandnonatheistothersareimportant fortheconsciousnessofthein-group,butalsomightproduceunintendedeffects.AsTaylorand Whittier(1992)observe,itisusuallythedominantgroup(inthiscasethe“theistmajority”)that erectsthemostsalientboundariesbetweenitselfandtheminoritygroupitrefersto.However, “paradoxically,for[minority]groupsorganizingtopursuecollectiveends,theprocessofasserting ‘whoweare’ofteninvolvesakindofreverseafrmationofthecharacteristicsattributedtoit 92 JOURNALFORTHESCIENTIFICSTUDYOFRELIGION bythelargersociety”(TaylorandWhittier1992:118).Thiscanbethecasewithatheists,as oftentheirminorityviewsareseenasvalidating—forinstance—thestereotypeofthe“angry atheist.” Anotherimplicationofcreatingboundariesappearsinthenotionthattheatheistgroupoffers a“socialoutlet”forparticipants.Combinedwiththeactivitiesthatorganizedatheistsparticipate in,thegroupmaybeviewedononelevelasanalternativefor,orinsomewaycompetingwith,the mostsalientsocialdimensions/benetsthatorganizedreligionoffers.Idonotclaimthatorganized atheismisthe“functionalequivalent”oforganizedreligionforreasonsthatcannotbeelaborated here.However,atthelevelofgroupvalidation,andthefulllmentofparticularsocial“needs,” theatheistgroupappearstofacilitatethemeetingofthese.Recentdevelopmentsareillustrative. Forinstance,insteadofBiblecamporotherreligiouslythemedsummerretreatsforchildren,kids canattend“SkeptiCamp,”orCampQuest,orparentscanparticipateinParentingBeyondBelief workshopswheretheycanlearnabout“raisingethicalcaringkidswithoutreligion”aswellas “handlingfamilypressuretoparticipateinreligiousactivities,easingfearsaboutdeathwithoutan afterlife,and[teaching]childrenaboutreligionwithoutindoctrinatingthem.”Likewise,several atheistgroupspromotedtherecognitionandcelebrationofsecularholidays—forinstance,H.Res. 81inthe112thCongress(2011),whichsoughttoestablishFebruary12asDarwinDay.Inaddition, thecelebrationofwintersolsticeinsteadofthereligious-themedcelebrationsduringtheholiday seasonhasbecomemoreofafocus.OnegroupinColoradoevenpublishedanddisseminatedan “atheistholidaycalendar,”whichfeaturesrelevantseculareventsandcommemoratessignicant atheistsinhistory. Inadditiontosecularholidaysandthevenerationofatheistleaders,therehavebeenefforts todeveloppracticesaroundbasiclifetransitions(thatareusuallysuffusedwithanddominated byreligiouspractice)suchasbirth,marriage,andfuneralsthatareexplicitlyatheistandthat highlightanonreligiouscharacter.Forexample,onegrouporganizedameetingtodiscussdeath andfuneralsforatheists.Thebulletinread: Itseemsthatwhensomeonedies,everyonewhogathersatamemorialserviceeitherrecitesprayers,playsreligious music,invokesgod,andthelike.Iwanttohaveadiscussionabouthowtocreateanon-religiousdeathservice, andwhatkindofthingsshouldgointoawillorotherlegaldocumenttocarryoutthewishesofthepersonwho doesn’twantothers’religiousbeliefsintroducedintoafuneral. Suchdiscussionsdemonstratetheimportanceofsymbolicboundariesforatheists.Andas Smith(2011)observes,partofconstructinganatheistidentityinvolvesarticulatingwhatitisone does not believe.Giventheinextricablelinkbetweenourpersonalandsocialidentities—those thingsthatmakeusuniqueandthosethingsthatgiveusasenseofsameness—Iwouldsuggest furtherthatthis“not-self”isalsoaformativeprocessofcollectiveidentity. KeyIssuesforActivists Constructingboundariesandunderscoringdifferenceisnotonlyaccomplishedthrough rhetoricanddiscourse,itisalsoapartofthesocialandpoliticalactionsoforganizedatheists. AsHetherington(1998)observes,theidentitypoliticsoftodayatplaywithinmanysocial groupsareasoftenaboutthepoliticsofdifferenceandtheexpandingalternativeidentity choices availabletopeople,thantheyareaboutexperiencingmoreobviousoppressionduetomarginal statuses.Putdifferently,theconditionsofthecontemporarysocial/politicallandscapearesuch thatgroupsmightengageinidentitypoliticsasawayof“choosingtobemarginal”(Hetherington 1998:27).Butwhywouldone choose astigmatizedsocialstatus?Becausechoosingamarginalized identity—whichoftenbringswithitoppositionandsubsequentopportunityforresistance—can itselfbeanimportantsourceofmeaningfulactivity.Adoptingthelabel“atheist,”andafliating withanatheistorganization,isanimportantidentitychoiceevenifonedoesnotproperlychoose theiratheism. ATHEISTCOLLECTIVEIDENTITY 93 Astheliteraturesonprotestandsocialmovementsshow,thesourcesofactivismarecomplex andvaried.Here,Ifocusmorenarrowlyonspecicconnectionsbetweenactivismandcollective identity.Atheistactivismisameansofconstructingbothpersonalandsharedmeaning.As Pollettastates:“Activismformanypeopleisawaytoconstructadesirableself”(2001:290).It involvesworktowardsomegoal,theeffortofwhichisnotmerelywhatmustbeenduredinorder toachievethegoal;theworkitselfbecomesthesourceofmeaningandidentity.Whenpeople collectivelypursuedesiredgoals(andselves)theprocessbecomesmoredynamic.Organized activismdevelopsfromasharedsenseofgrievancewithsomeaspectofthebroadersociety.There existsasharedfeltneedtorespondto,andsometimesprotestagainst,whatisseenasunjustor untrue.Toproperlyspeakof“atheistactivism”then,onemustidentifythesetofgrievancesmost commontogroupsofatheistactors.Thesecanbedistilledintotwobasiccategories:(1)thosethat dealwiththeissueofseparationofchurchandstateandtheperceivedubiquityandencroachment ofreligion/theism,and(2)thosethatdealwiththemarginalstatusofatheismitself. Onerecentexampleoftherstkindinvolvedthecoordinatedeffortofseveralgroupsin protestingthepresenceofanativityscenedisplayedbyalocalsheriffonpublicpropertyin aColoradocityin2008.Thelightingofthescenewastobeaccompaniedbyapublicprayer meeting,andthelocalsheriffwassellingsweatshirtsthatread:“Haveapoliticallyincorrect holiday,justsayMerryChristmas!”Afterphonecallsandmeetingswiththesheriff,thegroups wereultimatelyunsuccessfulatgettingthedisplayremoved.Thesheriffreportedlyremarked thathewoulddisplaythereligioussceneeveryyearaslongashewassheriff.Buttheatheist groupspersisted,bringinginanattorneyandseekinghelpfromnationalsecularorganizations. Aftercontinuednegotiationstheywereallowedtocreateandplacetheirown“atheistplaque” alongwiththerestoftheChristmasdisplay,whichread:“DuringthisWinterSolsticeseason, illuminateyourmindwithreason,letfriendsandfamilywarmyourheart,andcelebratethatwe alltakepart.”Theatheistsinattendanceatthelightingworenametagsthatread“Promoting theSeparationofChurchandState.”Oneoftheleadersthatcoordinatedtheeffortdescribedits outcomethisway,“thisprojectwasathree-pointeldgoalsuccess,butnotasix-pointtouchdown success.Atouchdownsuccesswouldhavebeenremovalofthemangerscene.[But]oureld goalatheistdisplayisasuccessthatsayswenonbelieverswillnotacceptviolationsofchurch andstatelyingdown.” This“eldgoalsuccess”seemedtoprovidesomeimpetusforfurtheractivism.Avariety ofotherchurch/stateseparationissuesensuedoverthenextfewyearsthatgroupsbecamein- volvedin.Inadditiontothebillboardcampaigns,theseincludedprotestingtheWestboroBaptist Church’santihomosexualpicketinginColorado,signinglocalpetitionsforthelingoflawsuits challenging“theintrusionofmonotheismintotheinaugurationofU.S.Presidents,”petition- ingaschooldistrict’sadoptionofanofcialdocumenttitled“FortyDevelopmentalAssents,” whichincludestheneedfor“areligiouscommunityforallchildren,”challengingHobbyLobby’s “ChristianNation”advertisements,andprotestingfaith-basedinitiativesandthetax-exemptstatus ofchurches. Increasingnumbersofatheistsbecameinvolvedintheseactivities,inpartpersuadedby theimpassionedappealsmadefromorganizers;asoneannouncedinamasse-mail:“[Weare] membersofadisenfranchisedminority...weneedeachandeveryoneofyourightnow!” Theimplicationthattheselocaleffortsareultimatelyaboutachievingnationalsignicance andculturalchangewasalwayspresent.AtalargestateconventioninColorado,forinstance, whereatheistswereprotestingafaith-basedinitiativeembracedbythelocalgovernment,many expressedtheirfeelingsabouttheiractivismalongtheselines:“Thisprotestistonotethenearly 15%ofAmericanswhoclaimnoreligion...this[statepoliticalconvention]isachanceto speaktothe[national]issueofseparationofchurchandstateinfrontofthewholecountry.” Localeffortsacrossthecountryhelpedtosettheconditionsforactivitiesofbroadernational signicance.Forinstance,in2010groupscelebratedtheSecularCoalitionofAmerica’sofcial policybriengwithpresidentialadministrationattheWhiteHouse—thersttimeinhistorya 94 JOURNALFORTHESCIENTIFICSTUDYOFRELIGION explicitlynontheistorganizationhadmetwithofcialstofocusonissuesimportanttothem.A representativeoftheSCAcommented: The[SCA]ispoisedtomakehistorywithanofcialmeetingwithWhiteHouseofcials.[Weare]encouraging non-theiststotakeapollindicatingwhatissuesareofgreatestimportancetoyou.TheSCAexiststoensurethat [atheistsandsecularists]haveavoiceinWashington;toopposeinjusticesresultingfromtheocraticencroachments ongovernment[andto]towinAmericasrespectandrecognitionbettingourcommunity. OthernationalorganizationssuchastheAmericanHumanistAssociationseemedtoincrease theireffortsaswell,asevidencedbytheirrecentnationalmultimediaadvertisingcampaign,which theyclaimedwas“thelargest,mostextensiveeverbyagodlessorganization.”Duringthisperiod localgroupsbecameincreasinglyinterconnectedandcoordinated,givingthecommunitymore inuenceonpublicdiscourse.Fromanewsocialmovementsperspective,itisnotsurprising thatatheistshavedevelopedatoneconsistentwiththelanguageofcivilrightsandminority discourse.Onelocalorganizersumsuptheperspectiveofmanyactivists:“Manyofusthinkof secularism[andatheism]asbeingonthecuspofawavetoprotectseparationofchurchand state....Wethinkofourselvesasaboutthefourthorfthwaveofcivilrightsmovements,after peopleofcolor,women,thehomosexual/transgenderedcommunityandpeoplewithdisabilities.” Withmanyinvokingthephrase“newatheistmovement”andremarkinghowtheycouldeven “becomeapoliticalforce”itisclearthat,whetherthesestatementsareempiricallyaccurateornot, theatheistcommunityhasgainedasenseofunitythatperceivesitself—withinacontemporary sociopoliticalcontext—asacoordinatedcollectivitywithclearvalues,goals,andadesirefora greatersenseofsocialandpoliticallegitimacy. Framingatheismasacivilrightsissueisnotaccidental.Iforganizedatheistsaretoimplement theculturalshiftstheydesireandpersuadethepublictobemoreacceptingofthem,theymust appealtotheculturallyvaluedandembeddeddiscourseoffreedomofexpression,andchoice ofworldview.Pluralismandreligiousfreedomissomethingtowhichatheistscanappealwhen engagingthepublic.Thus,combinedwiththeuseofmediaandoutreach,atheistsonabasic leveluseexistinginstitutionalmeansofpursuingchange:engaginginpublicdiscourseand identitypolitics.Importantfortheseatheists,however,isthequestionof how tobestpursue thisengagement.Asoneorganizerremarked,“weneedtobuildarealcommunitywithout beingcombative;weneedtopersuade[people]ataninstitutionalleveltoachieveacultural shift.”Discussionaboutwhetheratheistsarebetteroffaggressivelypursuingthisculturalshift, orwhethertheyshouldtakeamoreaccommodatingapproachinaccomplishingtheirgoals frequentedconversations.Gatheringsthatcenteredonthisquestionhadawayofenergizing membersandtriggeringwhatSnowandMcAdamrefertoas identityampliÞcation ,or“the embellishmentandstrengtheningofanexistingidentitythatiscongruentwithamovement’s collectiveidentity”(2000:49).Thoughidentityamplicationdoesnotguaranteeactivismonthe partofmembers,itisneverthelessanimportantcomponenttowardthatend. GoodWorksWithoutGod Thesecondcategoryofcollectivegrievanceinvolvesthemarginalstatusofatheism.Chal- lengingand/orcompetingwithreligion,andpoliticalatheistactivism,eitherdirectlyorindirectly connectwiththecollectivedesiretodestigmatizeatheism.Thismotivatesworktowardmaking atheismsociallyacceptable.Demonstratingthroughcollectiveactionsthattheyare“goodwithout god”isacentralconcernoforganizedatheism.Asenseofgrouplegitimacywouldnotbepossible absenttheviewthatatheismcanbecomeanacceptedsocialposition.Therefore,agreatdealof atheistactivismisactuallyaboutpubliclydemonstratingtheconsistencyofatheists’moralsand valueswiththatofthemainstream.Therearemanyexamplesinrecentyearsofthisworktoward destigmatization.Forinstance,onegroupcreatedwhatitcalledits“AskanAtheist”project. ATHEISTCOLLECTIVEIDENTITY 95 Members,oneweekendafternooneachmonth,wouldsetupboothsinpublicparkstoattract attentionandstartconversationswithpassersby.Thestatedintentionontheannouncementread “[wewant]toshowbelieversthataspeoplewehavemoreincommonthannot,andtoshowthem weare,infact,goodpeople.”Theyevenmovedthistoaperhapsmoreobviousvenue,with“Ask anAtheistatChurch”whereagroupconvenedatalocalBaptistChurch(withpermission)to showbelievers“theyaregood,normalpeople.” Amoreorganizationallyambitiousprojectinvolvedtherecentdevelopmentofanintergroup collaborativecharitableorganizationcalledAtheistsforHumanity(2011)launchedinDenver in2011.Thewebsite’shomepage(whichstates:“Doinggoodforgoodnesssake”)allowspeo- pletodonatetoanyof23well-knowncharitiesinthenameofatheism.Theefforttochange publicopinionofatheistsismadeexplicitbytheorganization:“Ourgoalsaresimple:raise moneyandawarenessforworthycharitiesandactivelyworktodestigmatizeatheistsandathe- ism.”Thecreatorofthenonprotspokeenthusiasticallyinanonlineannouncementaboutthe project: Eachtimewesendmoney,food,orclothingtoacharity,we’llincludealetterstatingthedonationscamefrom AtheistsforHumanity.Oncewegetalittlemomentumwe’llstartsendingoutPressReleasestolocalpapersand magazines....Wecandogoodforthoseinneedwhilealsopolishingtheperceptionofatheismandatheists.If you’reanatheistandaretiredofthenegativestigmathatcomeswithit,comehelpusdosomethingaboutit! Likewise,thegrowingnumberofvolunteeractivitiesatheistgroupsareengaging,suchas streetcleanups,fooddrives,andbenetevents,areinstancesnotonlyofthestatedgoalofeffecting positivechangeinthebroadercommunity,buteffectingchangeinthewaypeopleviewatheists andtheirorganizations.Thegoalofdestigmatizationisalsoapparentintheatheistactivism.As oneparticipantremarked,inhisproposingtootheratheiststhattheycounterprotesttheWBC’s antigaydemonstrations,“Iwouldliketoseeagroupstanduptothesepeople—whynotus? Eventhereligioustendtoshyawayfromthisradicalgroup.Ifatheistsstandup,perhapssociety willthinktwiceaboutwhattheybelievewestandfor.”Thisslightlyulteriormotiveshowshow importantdestigmatizationisforcontemporaryatheists. The“GoodwithoutGod”and“NationalSecularServiceDay”campaignsillustrateata broaderlevelthecurrentimpulseofthesecular/atheistcommunitytobecomemoreaccepted. AsaleaderofNSSDstatedinacorrespondencewithmanylocalgroups:“Ourmission[isto] uniteseculargroupsacrossthecountryintheinterestofpublicservice,andtodemonstrateour commitmenttoleadingfullandethicallives...toraisethevisibilityandsenseofunityamong localgroupsinthecommunityofreason,tocreateanationaldialogueontheroleofnontheistsin AmericanSociety.”Suggestingcompetitionwiththerolethatreligiousorganizationsoftenplay, thecreationofNSSD,endorsedbymanylocalatheistgroupsstatesfurtherthat:“Wewantour nonreligiouscommunitytobeabletoofferthesamefantasticserviceopportunitiesthatchurches andreligiousgroupsareknownfor...wewanttoshowthenationthatwetooarecommittedto charitableandethicalliveswithorwithoutreligion.”Participantswereencouragedtosubmitto theprojectorganizers“specicexamplesaboutyourgod-freeinvolvementinservicetocountry orcommunity.”Themoralunderpinningsinthesecommentssuggestthatimbuingatheismwith positivemoralmeaningsisimportantnotjustforthepersonalmoralidentitiesofatheists,but forthedevelopmentofacollectiveatheistidentity.Asonememberexpressed:“Whatweneed todoisworktogether,andshowpeoplethatatheismdoesn’tmeanthedeathofmorality;it actuallymeansastrongermorality.”Theemphasison“wetogether”challengingtheprevailing ideasaboutreligionandmorality,andasagroupshowingpeoplethatatheismiscompatiblewith morality,isdemonstrativeofcollectivestigmamanagement(Martin2000).Theorganizational identitiesthatdeneatheistgroupsparalleltheactivistorganizationalframeworkthatMartin wroteaboutinhisanalysisofdifferentialorganizationalapproachestomanagingsocialstigma. Atheistscollectivelyaim,throughtheirorganizationalframeworks,toeducatethepublicabout 96 JOURNALFORTHESCIENTIFICSTUDYOFRELIGION whotheyarethroughvariousformsofself-advocacyandsocial/politicalactivisminanattemptto acquiregreatercontroloverthesocialmeaningofatheism—therebycreatinggreaterconsistency betweentheiridentityandthepublic’sperceptionofthem. C ONCLUSION ThisstudyexaminedthecollectiveidentityworkofcontemporaryatheistsintheUnited States.Littlesociologicalscholarshiphasinvestigatedthewaysinwhichatheistscollectively negotiatetheiridentitiesinthecontextofatheistorganizations,andwiththenonatheistpublic. ConsistentwithCiminoandSmith’s(2007)observationsabouttheminoritydiscourseoforga- nizedatheists,thecurrentstudyndsthatatheistsindeedareengagedinidentitypolitics,and availtherhetoricofmarginalizationbyframingatheismasapoliticalissue.CiminoandSmith (2007)gofurther,however,arguingthatatheistsarerespondingtothe“failureofsecularism” byadoptingthestrategiesofevangelicals.Thereissomeevidencetosupportthis.Forinstance, therhetoricofthe“dangers”oftheismandactivitiessuchas“AskanAtheistatChurch”can reasonablybeconstruedasexamplesofthe“defensivecompetition”and“mimicry”ofevan- gelicalismthatCiminoandSmith(2007)discuss.However,incontrast,thepresentstudynds that,farfromadoptinganinuredpostureregardingthesupposed“failure”ofsecularism,ortak- ingrefugeinasubculturalniche,infact,manyorganizedatheistsareactuallyclosertoseeing themselvesaspartofthe“secularvanguard,”somethingCiminoandSmith(2007)suggestthey havehadtoabandon.Organizedatheistsperceiveboththepossibility,andnecessity,ofnotjust defending theirviews,butgrowing,increasingtheirinuence,andbecominganacceptedpartof themainstream.ThecommentsofthepresidentofAmericanAtheistsatthe2012ReasonRally makethisclear,“Americaisnotfarbehind[secularisminWesternEurope].Ibelieveintwo decadeswewillbeinapositionwheresecularismisthenorm”(NationalPublicRadio2012). Irrespectiveofthehistorical/empiricalaccuracyofthisclaim,thepointisthatorganizedatheists perceive theprogressionofsecularisminAmerica.Scholarsshouldthereforeresistacceptingthe premisethatatheistsnolongeroperateunderthisassumptionuntilfurtherresearchcanbearthis out. Ihavearguedtheinterplaybetweenatheistsseekingbothadenedcommunityandamean- ingfulchangeinhowthepublicviewsthatcommunityisatthecoreoftheircollectiveidentity. Fromseekingtobringothers“outofthecloset,”toemployingtherhetoricofanidentitypolitics, toengaginginsocial/politicalactivism,contemporaryatheistsareconstructingasharedsenseof identityandcommunity.Ratherthaninternaldifferencesunderminingcollectiveidentity,anarra- tiveofdifference,combinedwithanacknowledgmentofsharedvalues,servestostrengthengroup boundariesandself-understanding.Theactivityofatheists,whichinvolvesthe(re)negotiationof themeaningofatheismvis- ` a-vistheAmericanpublic,isanorganizingprincipleofcollective identityconstruction. Socialmediaandnetworkinghasplayedanimportantroleinthedevelopmentoftheatheist community(SmithandCimino2012).Thereisnocentralizedleadershipinthiscommunity,so atheistshavereliedonlateral,cooperative,localactivities.Participantsmaycomefromavariety ofbackgrounds,andhavedifferingviewsonspecicissues,butcooperativeactionispossible toasignicantdegreebecauseofthecollectivenarrativesatheistsemployonline.AsWuthnow (2011)reiterates,“talk”isanessentialelementinboththeproductionandanalysisofsociallife. Thoughhewasreferencingreligiousdiscourse,talkisnolesscriticalin irreligious discourse. Foratheistsconstructcollectiveidentity,inpart,bythetalktheyengageinwithoneanotherand withthepublic. Goal-orientedsocialactionrequiresthealigningofpersonalandcollectiveidentity.From thisview,whenatheistsengageinactivismitisbecausetheirsharedsenseof“we”hasanimated ATHEISTCOLLECTIVEIDENTITY 97 andmobilizedthem“cognitively,morally,andemotionally”foracommoncause,andagainsta commonthreat(Snow2001:4).ThenormativestatusoftheisminUnitedStates,andthepublic andpoliticalnatureofreligiouslifeprovideplentyofopportunityandjusticationforatheists toorganize.Thenotionofcollectiveidentityactsasaconceptualbridgebetweenindividual motivations/dispositionsandcollectiveaction.AsFriedmanandMcAdamwrite:“Oneofthe mostpowerfulmotivatorsofindividualactionisthedesiretoconrm,through[collective] behavior,acherishedidentity”(1992:166). Organizedatheismoccupiesaninterestingspacewhenviewedinthelightofsocialmove- menttheory.AsPollettaandJasper(2001)discuss,mobilizationonthepartofthecivilrights movementwasbasedonseekingfullinclusionasequalcitizens.Thisisincontrasttopostciti- zenshipmovements,whichare“peopledbythosewhoalreadyenjoymostorallofthenormal rightsofcitizens,includingtheabilitytomobilizelegallyandtoputpressureonpoliticalde- cisionmakers”(PollettaandJasper2001:287).Giventheirsociodemographicandeducational characteristics(seeCragun,Hammer,andSmith2012;Pasquale2012),atheistsasagroupt intothislattercategory.Yet,atheistsperceivebothstigmaandmarginalization.Thispercep- tionisnotunfounded,asresearchdocuments(Cragun,Hammer,andSmith2012).Indeed, muchoftheAmericanpublicdoesnotincludeatheistsasfullcitizensbecausetheyarebe- lievedtohaverejectedthemoralfoundationsofAmericanlife(Edgell,Gerteis,andHartmann 2006).Thishelpstoexplaintheminoritydiscourseandtherhetoricofcivilrightsthatorganiz- ingatheistshaveincreasinglycometoadopt.Relatedtothisismysuggestionthatorganized atheismcanbeviewedasanexampleofthenot-selfatthecollectivelevel.Andalthough thereiscurrentlymuchmoreevidenceof“not-us”languageanddiscoursebeingemployed byatheists,ifthecontemporarypatternsofatheistcommunityandsolidaritydescribedearlier continue,itseemsreasonabletoexpectthesediscursivenarrativepracticeswillbegintomore frequently“translate”intoactualexplicitcollectiveatheist behavioral practices(suchas“atheist funerals”). Bainbridgesuggeststhatatheismresultsfromweaksocialobligations;applyingthe“com- pensator”model,heclaimsthatatheists“lackintimate,personalobligationsofthekindthat mightbenetfromsecondarycompensation”(2005:5).Compensatortheoryarguesthatinthe absenceofdesiredsupernaturalrewards(e.g.,promiseofanafterlife)compensatorsactintheir steadasakindoftemporary“place-holder”forthepromiseoftherewardinthefuture.Social relationships,andtheirattendantobligations,arethemselvescompensators(“secondary”because theyaresocial,whereasprimarycompensatorsarepersonalandpsychological).Thus,“someone wholacksstrongsocialbondsofakindtoincur[social]obligationsismorefreetoespouse atheism”(Bainbridge2005:7). Thecurrentstudyrevealspotentialproblemswiththisreasoning.Mostbasically,Bainbridge tendstoviewatheistsasisolatedindividuals.Buttherangeofsocialrelationshipsandactivities describedearlier,inwhichatheistsincreasinglyengage,seemstocontradictthepremiseofthe “loneatheist”withfewsocialconnectionsorobligations.However,iffutureresearchconrms thatatheistsdoinfacttendtohavefewersocialobligationsthanthereligious,perhapsthisis because,awareoftheirdeviantstatus,theyarelesslikelytopursuerelationshipswiththosewho maynotacceptthem.Thisisparticularlythecaseinthecontextoffamilyrelationships(whichare animportantpartofwhatBainbridgereferstoinspeakingaboutsocialobligations).AsFitzgerald (2003)shows,manyatheistsuseavoidancetechniques(especiallywithreligiousfamilymembers) toreducestressorconictinrelationships.Inthiscase,lackofobligationswouldnotbethe source ofatheism;itwouldbeitsoutcome.Ididnotassessthe“causes”ofatheisminthisstudy,butmy generalndingsaremoreconsistentwithHunter’s(2010)argumentthatgreaterconsiderationof social,demographic,andsocialpsychologicalfactors,suchasexposuretoanatheistviewpoint, genderandrace,andwhetherornotoneislikelytondsocialsupportforatheismisrequiredfor amorecompletesociologicalpictureofcontemporaryatheists. 98 JOURNALFORTHESCIENTIFICSTUDYOFRELIGION R EFERENCES AmericanReligiousIdenticationSurvey.2009.Availableathttp://commons.trincoll.edu/aris/les/2011/08/ARIS_ Report_2008.pdf,accessedJune2011. 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