To MakeLive or Let DieRural Dispossession andthe Prote - PDF document

ToMakeLiveorLetDie? abouttheprovisionofpublicservices,especiallystate-mediatedsocialsecurityforpeoplefacinghardtimes.AsJanetNewmanandJohnClarke(2009)argue,announcementsofthe“deathofthesocial”havebeenpremature.Nevertheless,underincreasinglyglobalizedconditions,itislessobviousthatnationstatesprovidecontainersforcross-classsettlements,orcommandtheresourcestoengageinprojectsofproductivityprotection,ascontradictorypressuresoperateatmultiplescales(Swyngedouw2000).Echoingtheleft-hand/right-handsplitatatransnationalscale,theUNsystem,withitsDeclarationonEconomicandSocialRights,includingarighttofood,anda“rights-basedapproach”todevelopment,sitsawkwardlyalongsidetheIFIs,convincedthatsacrificeisnecessaryinordertopromotegrowth,fromwhichthepoorwilleventuallybenefit(Kanbur2001;UnitedNations2007).TheIFIs,unabletoadmitthattheirownpoliciesareimplicatedindispossessionandabandonment,attempttopasstheresponsibilityontonationalgovernments,obligedtopreparepovertyreductionstrategiesasaconditionofreceivingfunds.Manynationalregimes,inturn,havebeenradicallyreconfiguredbydecentralizationmeasures,makingitdifficultforthemtodeliveronnationalcommitments,anddevolvingresponsibilitiesdownwardstodistricts,“communities”,groupsof“stakeholders”andotherweaklyterritorializedunitswithuncertainmandatesandcapacities(CraigandPorter2006).Totheleft-hand/right-handmix,then,isaddedtheproblemofterritorialjurisdictionandscale,andthefurtherproblemofpopulationmobility.Asaresult,itisoftenveryunclearwhoisresponsibleforthefateofwhichensembleofpopulation,andwhatresourcestheycouldcommandtomakethedispossessedlivebetter.Theattempttogovernthroughcommunities,andmakethemresponsiblefortheirownfate,hasbeenprominentintheeraofneoliberalism,especiallyintheformofmicro-creditschemesthatrequirethepoortosupplytheirownemploymentasentrepreneurs(Elyachar2005).Variationsonthethemeofcommunityself-reliancehavereappearedwithregularityinIndonesiafor200years,andappearedagaininthe1997–1998economiccrisis,whensomeexpertsarguedthattherewasnoneedtosupplya“safetynet”fordisplacedurbanworkerssincetheycouldbereabsorbedintothevillageeconomy.Therewasaprogramtosupplythemwithone-waytickets“home”(BremanandWiradi2002:2–4,306;Li2007b).TheWorldBanksubsequentlyglorifiedthiseventwithalabel,“farmfinancedsocialwelfare”,heraldedasaremedyfor“urbanshocks”(WorldBank2008:3).Thesamediscoursearosein2009,asglobalrecessionsetin.AnewsreportaboutjoblossesinThailandanticipatedan“exodusofworkersbacktothefamilyfarm”,waxedlyricalonthe“brightgreenriceterraces”,coconutgroves,andfishpondsdotting“anexceedinglyfertilecountryside”,andquotedthecountrydirectoroftheAsianDevelopmentBankonthe2009TheAuthorJournalcompilation2009EditorialBoardof 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whoweredispossessedonsite.Instead,migrantlabourisimportedoverlargedistances.Asinthecolonialperiod,labourimportationisjustifiedbymythsofthe“lazynative”—areluctancetowork,lackofskill,andfailuretounderstandtherequirementsoflabourdiscipline(Dove1999;Potterinpress).InLaos,theracializedstigmaattachedtohighlandminoritiesbythelowlandLaoworksagainsttheiremploymentontheplantationsthatnowoccupytheirland,andwhentheyareemployed,thetermsarecoercive(Shi2008).AlmostalltheoilpalmworkintheMalaysianstateofSabahiscarriedoutbymigrantsfromIndonesia,manyofthemillegal.OntheIndonesiansideoftheborderinKalimantan,workersarepulledinfromotherIndonesianislands,recruitedbybrokerstowhomtheyareboundbydebt,inthecolonialstyleBremandescribes.TheJavaneseoftenarrivethroughtransmigrationschemesthatpromisethemtitletoaplotoflandplantedwithoilpalm,afterdebtsforthecostoflanddevelopmentarepaidoff,effectivelybondingthemtotheoilpalmscheme.Javanesealsoworkascontractlabourersonprivatelyownedplantations,withnopromiseofland.Often,theyfindthemselvesinconflictoverlandandjobswiththelocalpopulation(Potterinpress).Oilpalmplantations,itmustbenoted,absorblittlelabour.Tenthousandhectaresofoilpalmtogetherwithaprocessingmillemploy1000workers,onepersonper10ha,muchlessthantea(twotothreepeopleperha)orrubber(onetotwopeople).Thusinthecaseofoilpalm,thedisconnectbetweenlandandlabourisprofound.Fordecadestocome,thehugeswatheoflandunderoilpalmisguaranteedtogenerateveryfewjobs,anditisdoubtfulthatmuchcouldbedonewiththelandaftertheoilpalmboomends,soseverelyisthelandmodifiedbythebulldozers,chemicals,andintensivemono-cropping.Smallholdingsofoilpalmarealsopowerfulvectorsofthe“everyday”formofdispossessionthatworksthroughdebt.Manysmallholdershaveprosperedthroughoilpalm,butitisnotacropforthepoor.Unlikerubber,whichwillcontinuetoproduceatalowlevelevenwhenneglected,oilpalmrequiresconstantattentionandahighlevelofchemicalinput.Smallholderswithoutthenecessarycapitalquicklyfallintodebt,andtheirlandisboughtupbytheirmoresuccessfulneighbours.Theyendupaswagelabour,orindeed,outofworkJakartaPost2008b).Thisisafamiliartrajectorythatoccurswheneversubsistencecropsfail,orwhenthepricefetchedbycashcropsdoesnotmatchcosts,andfarmersarecompelledtoborrowmoneyormortgagetheirpropertyastheyenteradownwardspiral(Hall2004).Rulingregimescanintervenebycalibratingtariffs,prices,taxes,rents,wages,andinteresttoadjusttherateatwhichfarmersholdonto,orlose,theirland.Putanotherway,theconditionsgoverningtheso-called“freemarket”arealwaysset.Whentheyaresettoworkagainstsmall-scalefarmers,currentlythecaseinmuchoftheglobalSouth,theresultis2009TheAuthorJournalcompilation2009EditorialBoardof 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Economy,RuralTransformation,andtheAgrarianQuestion(pp3–33).London:AlexanderJandAlexanderP(1982)Sharedpovertyasideology:AgrarianrelationshipsinColonialJava.AraghiF(2009)“Theinvisiblehandandthevisiblefoot:Peasants,dispossessionandglobalization”.InAHAkram-LodhiandCKay(eds).PeasantsandGlobalization:PoliticalEconomy,RuralTransformation,andtheAgrarianQuestion(pp111–147).London:RoutledgeBairdIandShoemakerB(2007)Unsettlingexperiences:InternalresettlementandinternationalaidagenciesinLaos.DevelopmentandChangeBarneyK(2004)Re-encounteringresistance:PlantationactivismandsmallholderproductioninThailandandSarawak,Malaysia.AsiaPacificViewpointBarneyK(2008)ChinaandtheproductionofforestlandsinLaoPDR:Apoliticalecologyoftransnationalenclosure.InJNevinsandNLPeluso(eds).TakingSoutheastAsiatoMarket:Commodities,Nature,andPeopleintheNeoliberalAge(pp91–107).Ithaca:CornellUniversityPressBaumanZ(2004)WastedLives:ModernityanditsOutcasts.Cambridge:PolityBernsteinH(2004)“Changingbeforeourveryeyes”:Agrarianquestionsandthepoliticsoflandincapitalismtoday.JournalofAgrarianChangeBoomgaardP(2006)SoutheastAsia:AnEnvironmentalHistory.SantaBarbara:BourdieuP(1998)ActsofResistance:AgainsttheTyrannyoftheMarket.NewYork:TheNewProcessBremanJ(1983)ControlofLandandLabourinColonialJava.Dordrecht:ForisPublicationsHollandBremanJ(1990)LabourMigrationandRuralTransformationinColonialAsiaAmsterdam:ComparativeAsianStudies,FreeUniversityPressBremanJandWiradiG(2002)GoodTimesandBadTimesinRuralJava.Leiden:KITLVPressBrycesonD,KayCandMooijJ(2000)DisappearingPeasantries?RuralLabourinAfrica,AsiaandLatinAmerica.London:ITDGCerneaMandSchmidt-SoltauK(2006)Povertyrisksandnationalparks:Policyissuesinconservationandresettlement.WorldDevelopmentChanKW(2009)TheChineseHukousystemat50.EurasianGeographyandEconomicsChatterjeeP(2008)DemocracyandeconomictransformationinIndia.EconomicandPoliticalWeekly19April:53–62CheriyanG(2006)EnforcingtheRighttoFoodinIndia.UnitedNationsUniversity,WorldInstituteforDevelopmentEconomicsResearchClappJ(2008)Respondingtofoodpricevolatilityandvulnerability:Consideringtheglobaleconomiccontext.PaperpresentattheInternationalGovernanceResponsestotheFoodCrisisworkshop,Waterloo,Ontario,4–5December2008CowenMandShentonR(1996)DoctrinesofDevelopment.London:RoutledgeCraigDandPorterD(2006)DevelopmentBeyondNeoliberalism?Governance,PovertyReductionandPoliticalEconomy.London:RoutledgeCrambR(2007)LandandLonghouse:AgrarianTransformationintheUplandsofSarawak.Copenhagen:NIASPressCribbR(1985)TheIndonesianMarxisttradition.InCPMackerrasandNJKnightMarxisminAsia(pp251–271).London:CroomHelmDasguptaSandSinghA(2005)WillservicesbethenewengineofIndianeconomicgrowth?DevelopmentandChangeDavisM(2002)LateVictorianHolocausts:ElNinoFaminesandtheMakingoftheThirdWorld.London:Verso2009TheAuthorJournalcompilation2009EditorialBoardof 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Indians,whosedevelopmentwouldbedivertedfromitsnatural—thoughdeadly—path.Lettingdiewasnotanoversight.Itwasacalculateddecision,rationalizedintermsofthegreatergood.Echoingthelatecolonialholocausts,asDavis(2006:174)observes,thestructuraladjustmentprogramsofthe1980sand1990sdeliberatelyexposedruralpopulationsoftheglobalSouthtothefullblastofmarketdiscipline,whilewithdrawingsocialprotections.“Lettingdie”waspartofthisbiopoliticaltriage,notinitsrhetoric—oneofeconomicgrowthanddevelopment—butinitsresults.Intheperiod1990–2003,21countriesexperiencedadeclineintheHumanDevelopmentIndex,whichincludesfactorssuchaslifeexpectancyandinfantmortality(UNDP2003).Theeffectsofstructuraladjustmentwerehorrendous,andpoliciesofasimilarkindarestillpromoted.Yetdeathanddestructionwerenoteverything.Evenattheirheight,neoliberalattacksonsocialprotectionweretemperedbycountermovessuchassafetynets,employmentschemes,andMillenniumDevelopmentGoalsthatpulledintheotherdirection.Likewise,colonialregimesoftenhadprotectiveaspirationsthatcoexistedinuneasytensionwiththesearchforprofit,theneedforstability,andotheragendas(Li2007b,inpress).Howcanweunderstandthesecontradictoryformations?Oneapproachtothecontradictionbetweendispossessionandprotectionwouldbetolookathowitissustainedbyquotidianpracticesofcompromisethatenable,attheendoftheday,amonstrousdisavowal(Mosse2008;Watts2009:275).Orwecouldapproachitasamatterofbadfaith:dispossessionisreal,protectionisjusttalk.Orprotectionisrealbutminimal,self-serving,anddisciplinary:itspurposeistomanagethechaoscreatedbydispossession,andstaveoffrevolt(CowenandShenton1996;PeckandTickell2002).Anotherapproach,theoneItookinTheWilltoImprove(Li2007b),istotakemakeliveaspirationsattheirword,whileacknowledgingthecontradictionsthatcausethemtofallshort.Thereis,fromthisperspective,nomasterplan,onlyassemblagespulledtogetherbyonesetofsocialforces,onlytofragmentandreassemble.Someoftheelementsofamakeliveassemblagearelocatedwithinthestateapparatus.WritingabouttheriseofneoliberalisminEuropeinthe1980sand1990s,PierreBourdieu(1998:2)distinguishedbetweenwhathecalledthe“lefthandofthestate,thesetofagentsoftheso-calledspendingministrieswhicharethetrace,withinthestate,ofthesocialstrugglesofthepast”,andthe“righthandofthestate”,oftenheadquarteredinministriesoffinance.Inademocraticsystem,andwithinthecontainerofthenationstate,tensionsbetweenproductivityandprotectionmaybeworkedoutbymeansoftheballotandembeddedinlawsthatdefineentitlementsand—justasimportant—asenseofentitlementthatisnoteasytoeradicate.IntheUK,asinFrance,decadesofneoliberalgovernmentdidnoteliminatepublicexpectations2009TheAuthorJournalcompilation2009EditorialBoardof ToMakeLiveorLetDie? ofruralpeopleconsuminglessthan2400caloriesperdayincreasedfrom75%in1994,to87%in2004(Davis2006:171;Patnaik2008).AsInotedearlier,theWorldBankrecommendsthatfarmersunabletosucceedinhigh-valueagricultureshouldexit.Itsuggests,further,that“inIndia,thelowlevelandqualityofeducationofmostruralworkersismainlyresponsiblefortheirinabilitytofindjobsintheboomingservicessector”(WorldBank2008:36),asifeveryonewithasuitableeducationcouldfindworkinacallcentre.Inreality,muchoftheimpressivegrowthinIndiaoverthepastdecadehasbeenvirtuallyjobless,ashigh-productivitymanufacturingandserviceworkabsorbveryfewworkers.ParthaChatterjeeputsthepointbluntly:“largesectionsofpeasantswhoaretodaythevictimsoftheprimitiveaccumulationofcapitalarecompletelyunlikelytobeabsorbedintothenewcapitalistsectorsofgrowth”(2008:55).Irrelevanttocapital,onlymakeliveprovisionscouldsavethem—ifsuchprovisionswereactuallymade.LandlessnessinSoutheastAsiahashistoricallybeenhighinthefertilelowlanddeltasandvalleys,butoverall,ithasbeenlessseverethaninChinaorIndiaasaresultofarelativelysparsepopulation,andarelativelyopenforestfrontier(Boomgaard2006:117;Elson1997;Fisher1964:5n7).Today,however,dispossessionisprogressingrapidlyinSoutheastAsia,throughallthreevectorsInamedearlier—large-scaleenclosuresforagriculturalexpansionandconservation,andthepiecemealdispossessionoffarmersthroughdebt.ThebiggestenclosureforagriculturalexpansionhasoccurredinMalaysiaandIndonesia,whereoilpalmhasexpandedrapidlyfrom3millionhain1990to9millionin2003,withmuchmoreplanned,stimulatedbyhighpricesandanticipateddemandforbiofuels.About60%oftheoilpalmareaisunderdirectmanagementbyprivatecorporationsorparastatals,withthebalancemanagedbysmallholders,mostlyundercontract.Thelegalstatusofmuchofthelandconvertedtoplantationsisdisputed,andtensofthousandsoflocallandholdershavebeenevicted,orincorporatedoncoercedterms,asprotestmovementsattest.Manysmallholdershaveembracedoilpalm,however,especiallywheretheyhavebeenabletoretaincontrolovertheirownlandandsellthecropfreelytoaprocessingmill,ornegotiatecontractsforlanddevelopmentfromapositionofstrength(Barney2004;Cramb2007;Potterinpress).Rubberisanotherplantationcropthatisexpandingrapidly,especiallyinCambodiaandLaos,wherecorruptofficialsinleaguewithtransnationalinvestorsandthemilitarydispossesscustomarylandholderswhohavelittlerecourse(Barney2008;Shi2008;WorldBank2006a).Thelandareainvolvedisnotsohuge,buttheimpactisseverebecausethepotentiallyarablelandislimitedbyruggedtopography,especiallyinLaos.ReplicatingthecolonialpatterntracedbyJanBreman,thepeopleemployedinSoutheastAsia’snewplantationsareseldomthepeople2009TheAuthorJournalcompilation2009EditorialBoardof 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ofcriticalpossibilities”.Thesepossibilitiesarebothanalyticalandpolitical,andmyessayhasofferedbutasmallglimpseofthem.AcknowledgementsThanksforcriticalinputfromGavinSmith,DerekHall,KreggHetherington,JohnClarke,CraigJeffrey,JohnHarriss,HaroonAkram-Lodhi,UrsGeiserandmembersoftheMarketsandModernitiessymposiumattheAsianInstitute,UniversityofToronto,especiallyJesookSong,KatharineRaskin,KenKawashima,FrankCodyandTongLamandcolleaguesintheChallengesofAgrarianTransitioninSoutheastAsia(ChATSEA)project.TeachingreleasetoenablemetoworkonthisprojectwasprovidedbytheCanadianSocialSciencesandHumanitiesResearchCouncil.Thefourterms,letlive/makedie,associatedwiththerightofsovereigns,andmakelive/letdie,associatedwith“government”arediscussedinFoucault(2003:239–264).http://www.chicagoreporter.com/index.php/c/Cover_Stories/d/Health_Watch:_Life_Cut_Short_for_City’s_Minoritieshttp://labourbureau.nic.in/WRI-03-04table%20no-12(a).htm.Forexample,QuijanoObregon(1980)arguesthatpeoplesurvivingatthe“marginalpole”ofLatinAmericancitiesduringthe1970scontributedtocapitalaccumulationthroughtheirsavings,byprovidingcheapgoodsandservices,andbyconsumption.Butnotallmarginalpopulationscontributeintheseways,sohisanalysiscannotbeEstimatesoflong-distancemigrationofIndianworkers1846–1932rangefrom10to45million(Breman1990:14).FordiscussionofIndia’sjoblessgrowthseeHarriss(unpublished).Jeffrey(2009)andDasguptaandSingh(2005).Harriss(unpublished)andPatnaik(2008)findIndiangovernmentclaimsaboutwelfarehollow.http://www.pecad.fas.usda.gov/highlights/2007/12/Indonesia_palmoil/TunkuMohdNazimYaacob(email23January2009)suppliedthisdatabasedonactualnumbersfromMalaysianplantations.Indonesia’soilpalmlobbyclaimstheindustryemploysfivepeopleperha(IndonesianPalmOilBoard2007:21).ThenumbersforrubberandteaarefromtheInternationalLabourOrganization(1991:43).Thehigh-tech,geneticallymodifiedsoycolonizingSouthAmericausesevenlesslabour(Hetheringtonforthcoming;Teubal2009).SeeGRAIN(2009:10).Laosisreportedtohavesignedaway15%ofitsviablefarmland(TheGuardianAgarwala(2006)describesdemandsforstate-sponsoredwelfareasafrontofclassstruggle,since93%ofIndia’slabourforceis“informal”andcannotpressclaimsdirectlyagainstemployers.Inthe2009elections,30%ofregisteredvotersdidnotvote,and15%castspoiledballots.http://www.pemiluindonesia.com/pemilu-2009/jumlah-golput-hampir-50-juta-ReferencesAgarwalaR(2006)Fromworktowelfare:AnewclassmovementinIndia.AsianStudiesAkram-LodhiAHandKayC(2009)Theagrarianquestion:Peasantsandruralchange.InAHAkram-LodhiandCKay(eds).PeasantsandGlobalization:Political2009TheAuthorJournalcompilation2009EditorialBoardof 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abiopoliticalprogramthatseekstosustainlife.AlthoughsituatedwithinthebroadhistoricaltrajectoryFoucault(1991)describedastheemergenceof“government”,thatis,thegroundingoftherationaleforruleintechniquesforknowingandimprovingtheconditionofthepopulation,thedeploymentofbiopoliticalprogramstosecurelifeisuneven,suggestingthatarangeofsocialforcesisinvolved.Whataretheseforces?KarlPolanyi(1944)offersanunderdevelopedbutstillfruitfulwayofthinkingaboutthesocialforcesinvolvedinprotectinglife.Herejectedananalysisbasedonanarrowviewofclassinterest,oraconceptofcapitalismonauto-pilotthatcannotbetamedordirected.Instead,hehighlightedtheroleofcross-classalliancesinpromotinglife-enhancinginterventions,theiradoptionbyEuropeanregimesacrossthespectrumfromlefttoright,andtheiremergenceunderauthoritarianconditionsaswellasdemocraticones.Healsopointedoutthatmanyinterventionsaroseaspragmaticresponsestoparticularproblemssuchasunemployment,andcrisesinpublichealth.Whiletheextensionofmarketrelationswasplanned,heargued,planningwasnot(1944:141).Therearemultiplesocialforcesatworkinamakeliveconjuncture.Polanyiwrote,forexample,ofthemeetingofthejusticesofBerkshireatthePelicanPubinSpeenhamlandin1795,whentheyruledthatparishesshouldsubsidizewagesonascalerelatedtothepriceofbread,therebycounteringtheemergenceofa“free”marketinlabour,andinventingthe“righttolive”(1944:77).Healsotracedthesocialforcesbehindthisevent,andthisinvention.Similarly,wecanunderstandtheemergenceofBritain’spost-warwelfarestateasanassemblageofelements:post-warpatriotism,theshamefulexposureofmalnutritionintheurbanunderclass,memoriesofsufferinginthedepression,pressurefromorganizedlabour,fearsofthepotentiallyrevolutionaryconsequencesofmassunemployment,andnewexpertiseinplanning,amongothers.Sadly,thedesolatedataonlifeexpectancyIcitedearliergivesamplereasontoquestionPolanyi’sconfidencethat“societyasawhole”(1944:152)isequippedwithahomeostaticcapacitytoprotect“itself”fromtheriskofdestruction.Clearly,inthehistoryoflife-preservinginterventions,socialprotectionhasbeenracializedandspatialized.Noteveryonehasbeenabletoclaima“righttolive”.Inthe“lateVictorianholocausts”describedbyMikeDavis(2002),marketfundamentalismincolonialIndiadictatedthatIndiansshouldbevaluedonlyasunitsoflabour.TherewouldbenoIndianPoorLaw.IftherewasnodemandforIndianlabour,Indiansshouldbeallowedtodie,astheydidinvastnumbersin1876–1878andagainin1896–1902,about20millionpeopleinall.Colonialauthoritiesbannedcharitableeffortstosupplyfoodtothesepeopleasinterferenceinthenaturallawofthemarket.Suchinterference,theexpertsargued,wouldonlymakemattersworse,notonlyfortheBritishwhosecofferswouldbedrained,butalsoforthe2009TheAuthorJournalcompilation2009EditorialBoardof 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secondisthepiecemealdispossessionofsmall-scalefarmers,unabletosurvivewhenexposedtocompetitionfromagriculturalsystemsbackedbysubsidiesandpreferentialtariffs.Thethirdistheclosingoftheforestfrontierforconservation.Iwilldiscusseachofthese,brieflydiscussingChinaandIndiabeforefocusingonSoutheastAsia,whereallthreevectorsareoperatinginakindofpincermovement,dispossessingruralpeopletoadegreethatisunprecedentedinthisregion.LandseizureshavebeenwidespreadinChinasincethepassingofanewlandregulationin1987.Theresult,accordingtoKathyLeMonsWalker(2008),hasbeenan‘“enclosuremovement’ofunprecedentedproportionworldwide,resultinginthedispossession—andinmanycasesimpoverishment—oftensofmillionsofpeasanthouseholds.”Officialgovernmentstatisticsreportthat40millionruralhouseholdshadlosttheirlandby2005,whileotherexpertsfindthenumbercloserto70million,orabout315millionpeople(2008:472).Ruraltownshipofficialsarecentrallyinvolvedintheseseizures,backedbybusinessalliesandtheprivate,mafia-stylecriminalorganizationstheyemployasenforcers.Thedispossesseddonotgoquietly.Massprotestsarewidespread,andviolentonbothsides:accordingtoagovernmentreport,protestorsattackedorkilled8200townshipandcountryofficialsin1993alone(Walker2008:469).Agreatmanypeasants—upto150millionby2003—wereabsorbedastemporarylabourmigrantsintheboomingmanufacturingsector,whereemployerspreferthishighlyexploitablelabourforceoverworkerswithlegal“urban”status,whoareentitledtowelfarebenefits.InShenzen,forexample,withadefactopopulationofeightmillionpeople,“unofficial”ruralmigrantscompriseastaggeringsevenmillion(Chan2009:208).However,largenumbersofdispossessedpeasantshavenotfoundwork.Theycallthemselves“anew‘class’of‘threenothings’—noland,nowork,nosocialsecurity”(Walker2008:476).Chinesefarmershavealsobeendevastatedbycompetitionfromcheapimportedcotton,soybeansandsugarcane,asthegovernmentremovedtariffstoincreaseglobalmarketaccessforChinesemanufactures(Walker2008:465–466).Despitethesedireconditions,20millionmigrantworkerswerereturned“home”tothecountrysideinthe2008–2009recession(Chan2009),asiftherewaslandandathrivingagriculturereadytoreabsorbthem.InIndia,rurallandlessnesshasbeenentrenchedforseveralcenturies,butanewroundofdispossessioniscurrentlyunderway,asinvestorseyelandforconversioninto“specialeconomiczones”,orsimplyholditforspeculation(InterPressServiceNewsAgency2009).Amongsmall-scalefarmers,dispossessionbydebthasalsointensified,resultinginanepidemicoffarmersuicides.Farmerswhohadbeenencouragedtobuyproductivity-increasinginputsoncreditfacedruinwhenstatesubsidieswereabruptlyremoved.Asaresultoftherollbackofstatesupportforfarmers,anda58%riseinthepriceofgrain,thepercentage2009TheAuthorJournalcompilation2009EditorialBoardof ToMakeLiveorLetDie? patronageroutinelyincludesaneconomiccalculuscenteredonlabour:iflabourisshort,especiallyatpeakseasons,itmaybenecessarytobearthecostsofreproducingthatlabourthroughouttheyear,oracrossthegenerations.Butiflabourisnotneeded,orsupplyissuper-abundant,thelandlordhasnoneedtoreproduceit.Itbecomessurplus.AsJonathanPincus(1996)showed,inhisremarkablecomparativestudyoftheintroductionofgreenrevolutiontechnologiesinthreeadjacentvillagesonJava,therewereimportantvariationsinhowthegainsfromincreasedproductivityweredistributed,butthesehadmoretodowiththecapacityofworkerstoactcollectivelythanwithsharedvaluesbindingvillagersintoamoraleconomy,completewithsubsistenceguarantees.AlthoughIbeganthisessaywithacritiqueofthelinearnarrativeofagrariantransition,IwanttostressthatIdonotcounterposetransitiontoaruralutopia,inwhichpeoplerejectnewproductsandlabourregimesinfavouroflocallyorientedproductiononsmallfamilyfarms.AsmyownfieldresearchinSulawesidemonstratesveryclearly,andotherstudiesconfirm,thetransitionnarrativecorrespondscloselytoapopulardesiretoleavebehindtheinsecuritiesofsubsistenceproduction,andenjoythefullerlifethatbetterfood,housing,educationandhealthcarecanoffer(Ferguson2005;Rigg2006).Yetthesadtruthisthatthisdesireisfrustrated,especiallyforthepoorestpeople,whoareroutinelydispossessedthroughtheveryprocessesthatenableotherpeopletoprosper.Fartoomanyofthemcannotevenaccessalivingwage,becausetheirlabourissurplustocapital’srequirements.Whoseresponsibilityisittoattendtothewelfareofsurpluspopulations?“Nopurelyselfishclass”,wroteKarlPolanyi,“canmaintainitselfinthelead”(1944:156).Ifearthisisnottrue,attheextreme.Burma’smilitaryjuntaisutterlyselfish,andhasmaintaineditselfformorethanfourdecades.Mostregimes,however,wrestlewithamorecomplexsenseof“leadership”thatinvolvessomedegreeofbalancebetweencontradictoryagendas(productivity,equity),andanobligationtomakelivethathasbecomeintegraltothemodernsenseofwhatitmeanstogovern.Transnationalagencies,charitablefoundations,activists,experts,andsocialreformersofmanykindsshareinthissenseofobligation.Howtheobligationismet,andforwhichsectorsofthepopulation,isamatterthatisworkedoutinspecificsitesandconjuncturesthroughmeansthataresometimesgrandiose,andoccasionallyrevolutionary,butjustasoftenpragmatic,andunannounced.Theseconjuncturesareworthattendingto,however,becauseasGillianHart(2004:95)observes,“theongoingtensionbetweenpressuresfor‘economicfreedom’andtheimperativesofwelfarearisingfromtheirdestructivetendenciesopensuparichvein2009TheAuthorJournalcompilation2009EditorialBoardof 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tostayalive.Theydonotsendhomeremittances,ortakehomesavingsfortheiroldage.Theonlybenefittothesendinghouseholdisonelessmouthtofeed.Migrationhasitssuccessstories.AlargenumberofFilipinoshavebeenabletoparlaytheireducationandEnglishlanguageskillsintothetransnationalmigrationcircuit;youngpeoplefromacrosstheregionendowedwithasecondaryschooleducation,wholongtoescapevillagelife,findtheirwayintourbanemployment.Thesesuccessesarenotrandom.Studiesshow,withunsurprisingregularity,thattheoutcomesoflabourmigrationaredirectlyrelatedtothelandandcapitalassetsofthemigrant’sfamily(Rigg2006,2007;White,AlexanderandBoomgaard1991).Peoplewhoaredispossessedormarginalizedintheirvillagesoforigindonothaveaccesstothehigh-incomecircuits.Whentheymigrate,theydosoonthemostadverseterms,whollydependentonlabourbrokers,andvulnerabletobeingcheated,trappedindebt,coerced,segregated,injured,andimprisonedintheirplacesofwork.Althoughthesebrokersofferthemnosecurity,would-bemigrantsattachthemselvesloyally,becausethealternative—havingnobroker,andnowork—isevenworse(Mosse2007;Rigg2007).TheprocessesofdispossessionIhaveoutlinedinthissection,whencombinedwiththelimitsonlabourabsorptionandsomecatastrophicmisconnectsaffectingparticularspatialized,racialized,orotherwisestigmatizedpopulations,haveproducedthepatternofhumansufferingIoutlinedearlier:700millionAsianswholiveveryprecariously,onlessthanadollaraday.Oneobviousresponsetotheproblemofdispossessionistostopitinitstracks—nottoaddtothenumbers.MuchofthepopularmobilizationandsomeofthesocialmovementactivisminAsiaisfocused,rightly,onthisgoal.Therearealsoattemptstoreclaimlandthroughdistributivelandreform,althoughtheexperienceisthatreformbeneficiariesoftenlosetheirlandagainthroughthe“everyday”mechanismofdebt.Formostofthepeoplewhohavebeendispossessed,andhavenoaccesstolivingwage,adifferentkindofsolutionisneeded.Inthenextsection,Iconsidersomebiopoliticalassemblagesthatmightaddressthisproblem,andusearecentexamplefromIndiatothinkthroughtheconditionsunderwhichamakelivepoliticscanbeactivated.BiopoliticalAssemblagesandtheProtectionofSurplusPopulationsAbiopoliticalprogram,asIhavearguedinotherwork,canusefullybeviewedasanassemblageofelements,pulledtogetherataparticularconjuncture,inrelationtoagivenensembleofpopulationandterritory(Li2007a,2007b).Justastheconnectionbetweencapitalandlabourthatconstitutes“capitalistdevelopment”needstobeexaminedinallitshistoricalandspatialspecificity,sodoestheemergenceof2009TheAuthorJournalcompilation2009EditorialBoardof 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surpluspopulationsto“thevillage”recurrepeatedlyincolonialandcontemporaryAsia,wheretheyplayasimilarroleinlegitimatingIncolonialAsia,asJanBreman(1990)hasexplained,thepotentialdisconnectbetweendispossessionandrurallabourabsorptionwasbothtemporalandspatial.Themajorsitesofindustrialemploymentforunskilled,“coolie”labourwereplantationsandmines.Theseindustriesweresituatedinruralareas,wheretheydispossessedtheinsitupopulations,buttheyseldomemployedthesamepeopletheydisplaced.Instead,theysetupelaboratesystemstorecruittensofthousandsofworkersfromafar,oftenacrossvastdistancesoflandandsea,peoplewhosesocialisolationanddependencemadethemeasiertodiscipline.Themigrantlabourersinthesemassiveenterpriseshadbeendispossessed“athome”throughprocessesquiteunrelatedtotheireventualemployment.Forthemostpart,Bremanstresses,newrecruitswerealreadyinvolvedin“coolie”labour,incityorcountry,havingbeenlandlessornear-landlessforseveralgenerations.Someweredispossessedbythecontingenciesofillness,badweatherandfailedharveststhatdrovethemintodebtintheirplacesoforigin.Someweremembersofminorityor“tribal”groupthatweredispossessedbymigrantswhograbbedtheirlandbyforce,andcastthemout,orentrappedtheminbondage.Someweredeliberatelydislodgedbycolonialpolicies,especiallytaxes.Justasoften,however,colonialauthoritieshadlittledirectroleintheirdispossession,andtheireventualemployers,thousandsofmilesaway,hadevenless.Employersandofficialsdidhavecontrolovertheirfate,however,sincetheycouldturnoffparticularrecruitingstreamsatwill,abandoningwould-bemigrantsandtheirfamilies,outofsight,andoutofmind.Contingencyplaysapartinthesemisconnectionsbetweencapitalandlabour,andforpopulationsrendered“surplus”ataparticularplaceandtime,misconnectioncanbefatal.Butitisnotthecasethatanythinggoes.TimMitchellputsthematterthisway:“Atermlike“capitalistdevelopment”coversaseriesofagencies,logics,chainreactions,andcontingentinteractions,amongwhichthespecificcircuitsandrelationsofcapitalform[ed]onlyapart”(2002:51).Inthesechainreactions,onesetofeventsestablishestheconditionsofpossibilityforanotherset,butwhetherthepossibilitieswillberealizeddependson“aseriesofagencies”thatdonotnecessarilypullinthesamedirection.RuralDispossessioninAsiacirca2000TherearethreemainvectorsofruraldispossessioninAsiatoday,noneofwhichhasanyintrinsiclinktotheprospectoflabourabsorption.Oneistheseizureoflandbythestate,orstate-supportedcorporations,apracticethatiswidespreadinChina,India,andSoutheastAsia.The2009TheAuthorJournalcompilation2009EditorialBoardof 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problem.HismuchciteddescriptionofruralJavaasanoasisof“sharedpoverty”andinfinitelabourabsorption,whereeveryoneisassuredofaplace,misrepresentedJavainthe1950sand1960s,beforethegreenrevolution(AlexanderandAlexander1982;Husken1989;HuskenandWhite1989;Pincus1996;White1983).Itwouldalsohavebeenaninaccuratedescriptionofvillagelifeearlyinthenineteenthcentury,whenanestimated30–50%ofthepopulationofJavahadnoland.Villageswerestratifiedintocaste-likeestates,inwhichlandholdingfamiliesorganizedproductionbyincorporatinglandlessfarmservantsaspermanentdependents,andemployedrovingbandsof“free”coolielabourwhenneeded.ThusinJava,asinIndia,alargesectionoftheruralpopulationhasbeenlandless,andlivingprecariously,formanygenerations.Yetcolonialofficialsclungdoggedlytothevillagemyth,andproceededwithdispossessorypoliciesonthecomfortableassumptionthatvillagerswouldtakecareoftheirown(BremanTofurthertherupturingeffort,IwilltakethereaderbrieflytothehighlandsofSulawesi,amongindigenousfarmers,thekindofpeopleoftenassumedtovaluecollectiveharmonyaboveindividualprofit.Since1990,Ihavebeentrackingaprocessofdispossessioninitiatedfrombelow,whenhighlandersprivatizedindividualplotsfromtheircommonpoolofancestrallandinordertoplantanewboomcrop,cacao.Theyhadtheirreasons.Farfromlivinginastateofprimitiveaffluence,theyfelttheirliveswereinsecureduetoperiodicdrought,famine,andlackofmedicine.Theywerealsoashamedoflivinginunchangingpovertyfromonegenerationtothenext,andmoresoastheysawothersaroundthembegintoprosper.Classformationproceededwithremarkablespeed.By2006,someofthehighlandershadaccumulatedsignificantlandholdingswhiletheirkinandneighboursbecamelandlessandmiredindebt.Thenewlandlordsoccasionallyhiredtheirkin,butdidnotfeelobligedtodoso,andreadilyreplacedlabourwithchemicalherbicideswhich,theyargued,weremoreefficient.Forthedispossessed,theonlyemploymentoptionformenwashaulingrattanandtimberoutfromtheforestonapieceratethatbarelycoveredthecostoftheirownfood,andleftthemexhaustedandofteninjured.Women,childrenandoldpeoplestayedinthehills,intheirtinyhuts,perchedonborrowedland,eatingveryMypointintellingthisstoryisthatitissituatedandspecific,butnotexceptional.AsInotedearlier,colonialofficialsroutinelyreportedrapidclassformationonSoutheastAsia’sforestfrontiers,whenpeoplestartedtoplantcashcropsandbecameindebtedtoco-villagersandtraders.ThestoryhasechoesofthattoldbyJamesScott(1985)aboutaMalaysianvillageatthepointwhenproductionwasmechanized.Assoonascombineharvestersmadethelabouroftheirco-villagerssurplustorequirements,landlordsstoppedactingaspatrons.Oncloseinspection,2009TheAuthorJournalcompilation2009EditorialBoardof 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Confrontingtheconceptofsurpluspopulationchallengestheresidualfunctionalismsometimesembeddedintheconceptofalabourreserve.Inordertofulfilthefunctionsofalabourreserve—thatis,todepresswages,andbereadytoworkwhenneeded—thepopulationmustnotdie.Yetaccountsthatstresstheutilityofalabourreserveforcapitaloftenfailtospecifythecausalmechanismsthatwouldkeepthemembersofthis“reserve”alive,evenonaminimalbasis.Thecaseforalabourreservecanbemade,andtheBantustansofSouthAfricawereaclearexample:dispossessionwasdesignedtogeneratelabourforthemines,andBantustanlandandremittancesservedtoreproducethereservepopulation(Wolpe1980).ButtheBantustansalsobecamedumpinggrounds,warehousesforsurpluspopulationswhoselabourwouldneverberequired.Toassumealinkbetweendispossession,andthe(re)productionofalabourreserveisnotjusttoolinear,itisdangerouslycomplacent.Severalscholarshaveprovidedusefulcorrectivestolinearnotionsoftransitionthatlinkdispossessiontoodirectly,andtooquickly,toemployers’needforworkers.HenryBernstein(2004:204–205)describesthefailureofthegeneralizedcapitalistsystemtoprovidealivingwagetothedispossessedasthecentralagrarianquestionofourtimes.Cautioningagainstapocalypticimagesofdisposablehumanity,MichaelWatts(2009:283)arguesfora“nuancedandplace-specificmapping”offormationsoflabour,andthedifferentwaysinwhichcapitaltakeshold.JasonRead(2002)arguespersuasivelyforanon-teleologicalor“aleatory”readingofcapitalism,alsopresentinMarx’sownhistoricalwritings,whichexamineshowcapitaland“free”labourconnect—orfailtoconnect—atparticularconjunctures(seealsoAkram-LodhiandKay2009:16–17).Readpointsoutthatthemovementtoencloseagriculturalland,whichbeganinEnglandinthefifteenthcentury,wasdrivenby“improving”landlords,asocialgroupquitedistinctfromthemanufacturerswhowouldlaterprofitfromtheavailabilityoflandlesspeopledesperateforwagedwork.Theclassthatrequiredproletarianswasdifferentfromtheonethatevictedpeasants,andseparatedintimebyseveralcenturies.Examinedretrospectively,itistruethatcapitalandlabourencounteredeachother.Butlookedathistorically,aparticularcapitalistmightstruggletofindlabour,andnotallaspirantlabourerswereabletofindcapital.Forthedispossessedwhoneededtoworkbutfailedtoencountercapital,thesituationwasdire.AsMarxobserved,statepowerswereusedbothtosecureevictionsandtodiscipline“vagabonds”,yetthesetwointerventionswerenotcoordinated.Instead,legislationpunishingpaupersandobliging“vagabonds”toreturntotheirplacesoforiginseemedtoassumethattheycouldresumeworkingundertheoldagrarianconditions,althoughtheseconditionsnolongerexisted(Marx1986:686).AsIwilllatershow,fantasiesaboutreturning2009TheAuthorJournalcompilation2009EditorialBoardof 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that“Indiandemocracy”andfearofproducing“dangerousclasses”willensurethatIndia’sdispossessedareprotected,butIdonotthinkthisoutcomecanbeassumed.Astheactivistsoftherighttofoodmovementclearlyappreciate,establishinganational“righttofood”andsomemechanismstoimplementitismerelyafirststep.Makingthatrightrealacrossnationalspacewillbealonghardstruggle(DrezeandKheraThesocialforcesbehindthe“righttofood”movementinIndiaarestrikinglyabsentinIndonesia.Thereisaspecifichistoricalreasonforthis.TherewasaclandestinebutorganizedleftstreaminIndonesianpoliticsfromthe1920s,andvisionsofsocialjusticewereprominentintheanti-colonialstruggle.Inthe1950s,theCommunistPartywaslegal,andwasthebiggestoutsideChinaandtheSovietUnion(Cribb1985).Allthisendedin1965,whenthearmyengineeredthemassacreofabouthalfamillionpeople,mainlymembersofthecommunistpartyoraffiliatedunions,andpeasantsinvolvedinstrugglestoreclaimland.Leftistsinthemedia,educationandrelatedfieldswerekilledorimprisoned.Thesemassacres,andtherepressionthatfollowed,createdacrucialgapintheparliamentarysystemandinpublicdebatethathasstillnotbeenfilled,morethanadecadeaftertheendofGeneralSuharto’srule.Thereisremarkablylittlenationaldebateaboutsocialjusticeorcitizenentitlements.Thereislittlefaithintheparliamentarysystemasavehicletobringaboutchange.Importantsocialmovementshaveemergedtodefendthelandrightsofpeoplethreatenedwitheviction,butthesemovementshavestoppedshortofarticulatingacomprehensiveprogramforsocialjustice.Thereisnofunctioningwelfaresystem,onlysomeprovisionsforthehand-outofsubsidizedriceputinplaceasa“safetynet”atthetimeoftheAsianeconomiccrisis,andrenewedtobalancetheincreasedpricesforfuelandfoodunderstructuraladjustment(HuskenandKoning2006).InstarkcontrasttoKerala,wherethepoorestpeoplearecentrallyinvolvedinthedefenseofsocialrightsandassumethe“taken-for-grantedlegitimacyofmakingredistributivedemandsonthestate”(Steur2009:31),theIndonesianvillagersIhavecometoknowcomplainbitterlyaboutcorruption,andtheirexclusionfromashareofpoorlytargetedstatelargesse,buttheyhavelittlesenseofentitlement.AsInotedearlier,animportantrationaleofferedbyrulingregimesinIndonesiaforprovidingprotectionfortheruralpooristhenotionthatvillagershavetheirownmechanismstosupporttheirweakermembers.Althoughmanyscholarshaveworkedhardtoruptureassumptionsabouttheharmonious,moralandcaringcharacterofvillagelifeingeneral,andIndonesianvillagesinparticular,thevillagemythisstubborn.EvenMikeDavisfallsunderitsspell,whenhecontraststheviciouscompetitionamongthepoorinurbanslumstowhathecalls,fartoooptimistically,“thesubsistencesolidaritiesofthecountryside”(2006:201).CliffordGeertz(1963)bearssomeresponsibilityforthe2009TheAuthorJournalcompilation2009EditorialBoardof 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VandergeestP(2003b)RacializationandcitizenshipinThaiforestpolitics.SocietyandNaturalResourcesWalkerKLM(2008)Fromcoverttoovert:EverydaypeasantpoliticsinChinaandtheimplicationsfortransnationalagrarianmovements.JournalofAgrarianChangeWattsM(2009)Thesouthernquestion:Agrarianquestionsoflabourandcapital.InAHAkram-LodhiandCKay(eds).PeasantsandGlobalization:PoliticalEconomy,RuralTransformation,andtheAgrarianQuestion(pp262–287).London:RoutledgeWhiteB(1983)“Agriculturalinvolution”anditscritics:Twentyyearsafter.BulletinofConcernedAsianScholarsWhiteB,AlexanderPandBoomgaardP(eds)(1991)IntheShadowofAgriculture:Non-farmActivitiesintheJavaneseEconomy,PastandPresent.Amsterdam:RuralTropicalInstituteWittayapakC(2008)HistoryandgeographyofidentificationsrelatedtoresourceconflictsandethnicviolenceinNorthernThailand.Asia-PacificViewpointWolpeH(1980)Capitalismandcheaplabour-powerinSouthAfrica:Fromsegregationtoapartheid.InHWolpe(ed).TheArticulationofModesofProduction.London:WorldBank(2006a)JusticeforthePoor?AnExploratoryStudyofCollectiveGrievancesoverLandandLocalGovernanceinCambodia.PhnomPenh:CenterforAdvancedStudy,WorldBankWorldBank(2006b)WorldDevelopmentReport:EquityandDevelopment.Washington:WorldBankWorldBank(2008)WorldDevelopmentReport:AgricultureforDevelopmentWashington:WorldBank2009TheAuthorJournalcompilation2009EditorialBoardof 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uselesspeopleandplaces(Afriqueinutile)tolandinthefewspotswheresuperiorprofitscanreadilybemade.Thereisanotherdynamic,however,thatispotentiallymorelethal:oneinwhichplaces(ortheirresources)areuseful,butthepeoplearenot,sothatdispossessionisdetachedfromanyprospectoflabourabsorption.Thisisthedynamicthatformsthecoreofmyanalysisinthisessay.Toooften,hardthinkingaboutthepredicamentofsurpluspopulationisavoidedbytherepetitionofsomeremarkablyresilientnarrativesaboutagrariantransitionthatassumealinearpathway,andapredictablesetofconnections.Accordingtothesenarrativestherewillbe—soonerorlater—atransitionfromagriculturetoindustry,countrytocity,andpeasanttoentrepreneurialfarmerorwageworker.ArecentexampleofthetransitionnarrativeistheWorldBank’sWorldDevelopmentReport(2008),AgricultureforDevelopment,whichorganizesthenationsoftheglobalSouthalonganaxisthatheadsresolutelytowardsthecity.Accordingtothereport,theprincipaltaskofgovernmentsinthe“transformingcountries”,acategorythatincludesmostofAsia,istomanagetransitionsoutofagricultureforruralpopulationswhoselabourissurplustotherequirementsofamoreefficientagriculturalsector,andtosupplytargeted“safetynets”foraresidualfewwhocannotmakethistransition,namelytheoldandtheinfirm.Jarringly,despitethereport’srecognitionofaglobalizedregimeofagriculturalproductionandconsumption,itsframeworkforanalyzingagrariantransitionisnational,asifruraldispossessionandthegenerationofnewjobsnaturallyoccurwithinthesamenationalframe,andunmarked,genericcitizenshaveequalaccesstonationaljobs.Generalizedwelfareprovisionstokeepthedispossessedalivedonotfigureinthereport.Afullchapteron“Reducingvulnerabilityandchronicfoodinsecurity”,anticipatedinthereportoutline,isnotinthefinalversion.Somehow,thereportassumeshundredsofmillionsofdeeplyimpoverishedruralpeoplewillfindtheirwayontothetransitionAcompetingversionoftheagrariantransitionnarrative,whichtakesitsinspirationfromMarx,relatesdispossessiontotheemergenceofcapitalismthroughthreeeffects:agrabforlandandotherresourcesthatfurnishinitialcapital,so-called“primitiveaccumulation;”theproductionofproletarians;andtheformationofalabourreserve(Glassman2006;Harvey2003;MoyoandYeros2005).Inarecentre-statementofthisnarrative,thattakesinaglobalscale,FarshadAraghilinks“enclosure-induceddisplacement”to“campsofsurpluslabourinurbanlocations”,andtheconditioningofpartiallydispossessedpeasantriesas“apotentialreservearmyofmigratorylabour”,orlabourpowerfreed“forglobalconsumption”(2009:111–112,134–135).YetAraghi’snarrativeshortcircuitsanimportantquestion:howmuchofthislabourisreallynecessaryforaccumulation?2009TheAuthorJournalcompilation2009EditorialBoardof 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mightoffendbureaucraticsensibilities,whileextremesocialhierarchy,predatorylabourcontractors,andviolentattacksthatkeepgovernmentofficialsawaychallengeliberalnotionsofcitizenshipthatlinkindividualsdirectlytothestate.Thereportnotestheimportanceofdeliveringtheprogramwithatleast“amodicumofsuccessinthesebackwardregions”(GovernmentofIndia2006:1).NREGArulesspecificallybantheuseofcontractors,andadministertheprogramthroughvillagecouncils(grampanchayats),highlightingtheroleofstateasbenevolentprovider(DrezeandKhera2009).Second,thereportheraldedNREGAasapath-breakingdemonstrationofthegovernment’snewapproachtopoverty,onethatwouldreplacetheinefficientrationingsystemsofthepastwithauniversalentitlement.Everyonewhopresentsthemselvesforworkisguaranteed100days.Thereportanticipatestheuseofcomputerizedtracking,andafutureinwhichprogramparticipantswouldswipeacardtologeachtransaction.Third,theprogramwouldbeapilotforanewrelationshipbetweennationalandstategovernments,inwhichthecentersuppliesthefunds,whilemakingthestategovernmentsresponsibleforperformanceaccordingtonationalstandards.Responsibilizationisacommontacticofneoliberalrule,asInotedearlier.Effectivewaystomonitortheperformanceofthegovernmentapparatusateachlevel,fromthestatetothevillage,werethemaintopicofthescoresofdetailedprotocolsinthetightlyprinted,111-pagereport.Herewasauditcultureturnedloose,intheserviceofthepoor.Finally,andmostbroadly,iffaminewasthescandalthatstartedthe“righttofood”movement,itwasascandalonlybecauseanentitlementtofaminereliefwasalreadyestablishedinIndia.WhentheSupremeCourtraisedthestakesonwhatthegovernmentisobligedtodeliver,italsoincreasedthenumberoffrontsonwhichthegovernmentcouldbefoundwanting,andembarrassedbypublicexposure.Indeed,thesupremecourt’sinsistenceon“socialaudit”wasdesignedforthisEarlyreportsonthefateoftheprogram,whichisnowbeingimplemented,showthattheuptakeisuneven(PoorestAreasCivilSocietynd).Thestatesinwhichtheprogramisworkingwellarethosethathaveatrackrecordofdistributiveintervention,sustainedbystrongsupportfromtheorganizedleft,andtraditionsofpopularmobilization.Thestateswherethesesocialforcesarelackinghavenotimplementedtheprogram,orimplementeditinadesultoryandcorruptfashion.Thesetendtobethestateswithhighconcentrationofpoverty.Althoughnodoubttheyhave“lefthands”withinthem,therulingregimesinthesestatesarenotveryresponsivetoSupremeCourtorders,nationallaw,mediaexposure,oreventhethreatoftheNaxalites,whoareactiveinthesesameplaces.Votesmatter,butevenwhenlowercastegroupsarewellrepresentedinparliament,entrenchedinequalitiesprovedifficulttoshift(Jeffrey,JeffreyandJeffrey2008).ParthaChatterjee(2008)argues2009TheAuthorJournalcompilation2009EditorialBoardof 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theregioneitheraccommodatedormadedeliberateuseofthis“safetyvalve”tomeetpeasantdemandsforland(DeKoninck2006).Resettlinglandlesspeopletotheforestfrontierwasawaytoavoidredistributivelandreform,whileabatingacommunistthreat.Lifeonthesefrontierswasfarfromegalitarian:whethertheyarrivedthroughstate-sponsoredprogramsorontheirowninitiative,migrantswithlittlecapitalweresoonentrappedinnewrelationsofdebtbyland“pioneers”,tradersandmoneylenders,aproblemalreadyobservedinthecolonialperiod(Elson1997).Nevertheless,theexistenceofthesefrontiersinmuchofSoutheastAsiaenabledpeopleejectedfromlowlandagriculturetosurvive,andsometimestoprosper.Thepossibilityofexitalsogavethelandlesslowlandpopulationsomebargainingpower.Althoughtherewereforestboundariesdatingfromthecolonialperiod,inmanypartsoftheregionthesewerepoorlyenforceduntiltheadventofdonordollarssupportingconservation.WhathappenstoSoutheastAsiansdispossessedfromtheland?Opportunitiesforworkarehighlyuneven,bothbetweencountriesandwithinthem.InVietnam,forexample,manufacturinghasabsorbedlargenumbersofformerpeasants,whileinIndonesia,manufacturingneverquiterecoveredfromtheeffectsofthe1997Asianeconomiccrisis,andcompetitionfromChinacastsalongshadow.DemographerGraemeHugo(2007)describesIndonesiaas“aquintessentiallabor-surplusnation”.In2006,“anestimated11percentofIndonesianworkers(11.6million)wereunemployed,andunderemploymentwasover20percent(45millionworkers)”.DisparitieswithinIndonesiaarealsomarked.ManufacturingisconcentratedinJava,butapersonejectedfromtheruraleconomyinWestPapuaorKalimantanhaslittlechanceofsecuringajobinJava,wherecompetitionisfierceandexclusionarybarriersofethnicity,localityandkinshipkeeplabourmarketsclosed.Thereare,inshort,nogenericcitizens,orgenericjobs.Cross-bordermigrationisanimportantoutletforlabour,butaswithdomesticmigration,itscircuitsarespecializedanduneven.Recruitingagentsselectonevillage,oroneethnic,class,genderoragegroup,leavingothersstranded.In2008,twomillionIndonesianswereworkinginMalaysia,mainlyinplantationsandconstruction,atleasthalfamillionofthemillegally.IntheMekongregion,1.5millionBurmeseand0.5millionLaotiansandCambodianswereworkinginThailand,mostlyinagriculture,andmostofthemillegally(MigrationNews2008,2009).Illegalitymakesworkersespeciallyvulnerable.AreportonIndonesianplantationworkersinSabahdescribedtheirconditionsas“bondedlaboramodernkindofslavery”(JakartaPost2008a).InThailand,astheglobaleconomiccrisisof2008–2009causedadeclineinthepriceofrubber,theresponseofplantationownerswastocutthewagesoftheirBurmeseworkersbyhalf,fromtwodollarsperdaytoone(MigrationNews2009).Needlesstosay,theseplantationworkersarebarelyable2009TheAuthorJournalcompilation2009EditorialBoardof 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MoyoSandYerosP(2005)Theresurgenceofruralmovementsunderneoliberalism.InSMoyoandPYeros(eds)ReclaimingtheLand:TheResurgenceofRuralMovementsinAfrica,AsiaandLatinAmerica(pp8–64).London:ZedBooksNewmanJandClarkeJ(2009)Publics,PoliticsandPower:RemakingthePublicinPublicServices.London:SagePoorestAreasCivilSociety(nd)PoorestAreasCivilSociety(PACS)programme,http://www.empowerpoor.com/bottom.aspAccessed18June2009ParaiyilG(ed)(2000)Kerala:TheDevelopmentExperience.London:ZedBooksPatnaikU(2008)Neoliberalroots.Frontline25(6),http://www.flonnet.com/fl2506/stories/2008038250601700.htmAccessed18June2009PeckJandTickellA(2002)Neoliberalizingspace.PincusJ(1996)ClassPowerandAgrarianChange:LandandLabourinRuralWestJava.London:MacMillanPressPolanyiK(1944)TheGreatTransformation.NewYork:Farrar&RinehartPotterL(inpress)AgrariantransitionsinKalimantan:Characteristics,limitationsandaccommodations.InRDeKonink(ed)TerritoriesinTransition:BorneointheEyeoftheStorm.Singapore:NationalUniversityofSingaporeQuijanoObregonA(1980)Themarginalpoleoftheeconomyandthemarginalizedlabourforce.InHWolpe(ed).TheArticulationofModesofProduction(pp255–288).London:RoutledgeReadJ(2002)Primitiveaccumulation:Thealeatoryfoundationsofcapitalism.RethinkingMarxismRiggJ(2006)Land,farming,livelihoods,andpoverty:RethinkingthelinksintheruralWorldDevelopmentRiggJ(2007)Movinglives:MigrationandlivelihoodsintheLaoPDR.Population,SpaceandPlaceRighttoFoodIndia(2005)SupremeCourtordersontherighttofood:Atoolforactionhttp://www.rightofoodindia.org/data/scordersprimer.doc,Accessed1July2009ScottJC(1985)WeaponsoftheWeak:EverydayFormsofPeasantResistance.NewHaven:YaleUniversityPressShiW(2008)RubberBoominLuangNamtha.Vientiane:GTZRDMASiderG(2006)Theproductionofrace,locality,andstate:Ananthropology.AnthropologicaSteurL(2009)Adivasimobilisation:“Identity”versus“class”aftertheKeralamodelofdevelopment?JournalofSouthAsianDevelopmentSwyngedouwE(2000)Authoritariangovernance,power,andthepoliticsofrescaling.EnvironmentandPlanningD:SocietyandSpaceTeubalM(2009)PeasantstrugglesforlandandagrarianreforminLatinAmerica.InAHAkram-LodhiandCKay(eds).PeasantsandGlobalization:PoliticalEconomy,RuralTransformation,andtheAgrarianQuestion(pp148–166).London:TharamangalamJ(ed)(2006)Kerala:TheParadoxesofPublicActionandDevelopmentNewDelhi:OrientLongmanTheGlobeandMail(2009)China’snewempire.3JanuaryTheGuardian(2008)Richcountrieslaunchgreatlandgrabtosafeguardfoodsupply.22November,http://www.guardian.co.uk/environment/2008/nov/22/food-biofuels-land-grab/printAccessed8June2009UNDP(2003)HumanDevelopmentReport.NewYork:UNDP/OUPUnitedNations(2007)HumanRightsinDevelopment:RightsBasedApproacheshttp://www.unhchr.ch/development/approaches-07.htmlAccessed13DecemberVandergeestP(2003a)Landtosometillers:Development-induceddisplacementinInternationalSocialScienceJournal2009TheAuthorJournalcompilation2009EditorialBoardof 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valueofpeopleasworkersorconsumers—atitscore.Butwhatarethesocialforcesthatwouldactivatesuchapolitics?Andwhywouldtheydoso?Ireturntothesequestionslaterinthisessay.First,however,IwanttoconsidermorefullytheimplicationsoftheconceptofsurplusSurplusPopulationWhenIusethephrasesurpluspopulation,myintentionistoprovokesomehardthinking.Itis,ofcourse,offensivetosuggestthatsomepeoplearesurplus,yetasIarguedabove,thetruthisthatlargenumbersareinfactabandoned.Somearekeptaliveinprisons,refugeecampsandghettos,buttheyarenotbeingpreparedforwork,astheywereintheworkhousesofindustrializingBritain(Bauman2004).Thekeytotheirpredicamentisthattheirlabourissurplusinrelationtoitsutilityforcapital.Marxusedtheterm“relativesurpluspopulation”(Marx1986:574–606),withtheterm“relative”serving,first,todistinguishhisconceptfromthatofMalthus,whoarguedthatpopulationwouldoutstripresources;andsecond,tohighlightthecontinuoustendencyofcapitaltoconcentratelabour’sproductivecapacityintolabour-displacingtechnologies.Amongtherelativesurpluspopulation,Marxfurtherdistinguishedbetweenthefloatingpart,peoplewhowerecyclicallyunemployed;thelatentpart,namelyruralpeoplenotfullyintegratedintocapitalistproduction;andthestagnantpart,includingpeoplewhoareelderlyorinjured,andamongwhomtheloweststratum“dwellsinthesphereofpauperism”.Pauperism,Marxargued,“isthehospitaloftheactivelabour-armyandthedeadweightoftheindustrialreservearmy.Itsproductionisincludedinthatoftherelativesurplus-population,itsnecessityintheirs;alongwiththesurplus-population,pauperismformsaconditionofcapitalistproduction,andofthecapitalistdevelopmentofwealth.Itentersintothefauxfraisofcapitalistproduction;butcapitalknowshowtothrowthese,forthemostpart,fromitsownshouldersontothoseoftheworking-classandthelowermiddleclass”(MarxWhetherornotthepauperizedpopulationoftheglobalSouthfulfilsthesamefunctioninrelationtocapitalasthepaupersofindustrializingEngland,describedbyMarx,isanurgentquestion.Toansweritfullywouldrequiretryingouthiscategoriestoseewhattheyreveal,orwhattheyocclude,inarangeofcontemporaryconjunctures.Minimally,wehavetorecognizethatthespatialandtemporalunevennessofcapitalinvestment,alreadypresentinMarx’stime,isfarmoreprominenttoday,ascapitalincorporatessomeplacesandpeoples,andejectsorrejectsothers.JamesFerguson(2005)capturespartofthisdynamicwithhisimageoftransnationalinvestmentcapital“hopping”overAfrica’s2009TheAuthorJournalcompilation2009EditorialBoardof 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lunchesforeveryschoolchild,subsidizedfoodforqualifiedapplicants,pensionsfortheelderly,specialcareforthedestituteandsoon.Italsoimplementedasystemof“socialaudit”inwhichfailurestocomplyatanylevelofthesystemwouldbemadeknowntothecourtandredressed(RighttoFoodIndia2005).Needlesstosay,implementinganationallyguaranteed“righttofood”inIndiainvolvesnumerousdifficulties,amongwhichtherelativeautonomyofIndia’s31statesloomslarge.SomestateshaverefusedtoacknowledgeoractontheSupremeCourt’sorders.Thereareproblemsinidentifyingandregisteringappropriatebeneficiaries;problemsofcorruptionandqualitycontrol;andcollusionbetweenpoliticians,bureaucratsandlabourcontractorstoexcludeclaimantsorstealtheirallocation(Cheriyan2006).Therearealsoproblemsinreachingdestitutefamilies,sincedestitutionstripsawaypoliticalpersonhood,whilesurvivalstrategies(begging,prostitution,anditineranttrading)andvagrancyarecriminalized,castingthedestituteintothecategoryoftheundeservingandlicensingbrutaltreatment(Harriss-White2005;Mosse2007).Sotheaimof“makinglive”hundredsofmillionsofdeeplyimpoverishedIndiansisverydifficulttoaccomplish.Itwouldbeeasyenoughtogiveup,onthegroundsthatthesituationishopeless.Acloselookatoneofthe“righttofood”programs,theguaranteeofa“righttowork”for100daysperyearonapublicworksprojectattheofficialminimumwage,orreceiveanunemploymentallowanceinlieuofwork,willgiveanindicationofthesocialforcesatworkinthisassemblage,andwhyitisstillmovingahead.ThegovernmentpassedtheNationalRuralEmploymentGuaranteeAct(NREGA)in2005,asaresultofhardlobbyingfromactivistsandcrucialsupportfromtheleftpoliticalpartiesthatusedtheirleverageinsideandoutsideparliament.Governmentofficialshavealsobeenactiveintheassemblage,insomerathersurprisingways.Iwasstruckbyadocumentonthe“righttofood”website,areportbytheGovernmentofIndia’sSecondAdministrativeReformsCommission,abodydedicatedtomundane(andneoliberal)mattersofefficiency,accountabilityandauditinpublicservice.Why,Iwondered,wouldthecommissionselectthispotentiallyradicalActasa“casestudy”foradministrativereform?Theprefacetothecommission’sreportnotesthattheareasofruralIndiawiththehighestconcentrationsoffamineanddestitutionaresitesof“extremismandNaxalism”(GovernmentofIndia2006:preface).YetthereislittleevidencethattheNaxalitesposeaseriousthreattothewealthypopulationofIndia,oritsrulingregime;noraretheyholdingbackIndia’sremarkableeconomicgrowth.Sowhyshouldadministrativereformersgetinvolved?Speculatively,Icanlistafewfactorsthatmayhavebeenatworkhere.First,thefragilityor,insomecases,thetotalabsenceofthesupposedlystandard,nationalbureaucraticapparatusinIndia’s“backwarddistricts”2009TheAuthorJournalcompilation2009EditorialBoardof 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Chinesegovernment’sbiopoliticalpriorityistheprovisioningofitsownpopulation.ItisnotresponsibleforthelivesofCanadianmineworkers,ortheSoutheastAsianfarmersdispossessedbyitsoffshoreenclosures.Forestconservationisanotherfieldinwhichthedisconnectbetweenlandandlabourisprofound.ConservationissupportedbytransnationaldonorsandNGOsasabiopoliticsofplanetarysurvival.Althoughsurroundedbyalegitimatingdiscourseofpovertyreduction,therealityisthatconservationroutinelyimplicatesdonorsinpovertyproductiononashockingscale.Globally,thenumberofpeopleevictedfromprotectedareasanddeprivedofaccesstolandandformersourcesoflivelihoodoverthepastfewdecadeshasbeenestimatedat8.5million(CerneaandSchmidt-Soltau2006:1818).Obviously,conservationabsorbslittleornolabour,andtheverypresenceofsurroundingpopulationsisviewedasathreattoconservationobjectives.Yetconservationagenciesandthedonorsthatfundthemmakenocommitmenttoresettle,compensate,oridentifyalternativelivelihoodsforthepeopletheirprogramsdispossess.Theyseemtoassumethesepeoplewillfindsomewhereelsetogo,andsomethingelsetodo.Donorsfurthersidesteptheirresponsibilitybydevolvingitdownwards,ontothenationalgovernmentsthat“volunteer”toextendtheirconservationenclosures,andthecommunitiesthat“choose”toparticipatein“community-basedconservation”,overlookingtheroleofdonorincentivesincreatingtheconditionsunderwhichnationalorlocalelitesbecomeimplicatedindispossession(Li2007b).RaceisacrucialdimensionofdispossessioninSoutheastAsia,asethnicminoritiesaremostoftentheonesaccusedofforestdestruction,andconservationbecomesyetanotherreasontoevictthem(Lohmann1999;Vandergeest2003a,2003b;Wittayapak2008).Themostegregiouscontemporary,life-threateninginstanceofracialized,conservation-backedevictionisLaos,whereaprogramtodemarcateforestboundariesinhighlandvillageshasforcedthepopulationtoseekrefuge“voluntarily”inlowlandresettlementsites,wherearablelandisextremelyscarce,thereislittlework,andhungeranddiseaseprovefatalformany.Nevertheless,donorscontinuetosupporttheresettlementprogramongroundsofconservationandforthebenefitofthehighlanders,sinceitwillincreasetheiraccesstoservicesandmarkets.Thephrase“policy-inducedpoverty”hasenteredthecriticaldiscoursethatcirculatesamongsomedonorsinLaos,butithasnotinterruptedtheresettlementagenda(BairdandShoemaker2007;Vandergeest2003a;Goldman2005).Thereisafurther,dispossessorydimensiontocontemporaryconservationenclosureinSoutheastAsiathatmeritsattention.Thisistheknock-oneffectofcuttingoffaccesstotheforestfrontierthathaslongprovideda“safetyvalve”forthedispossessed—aplacetofindlandandstartover.Untilthe1980s,manygovernmentsacross2009TheAuthorJournalcompilation2009EditorialBoardof ToMakeLiveorLetDie?RuralDispossessionandtheProtectionofSurplusPopulationsTaniaMurrayLiDepartmentofAnthropology,UniversityofToronto,Canada; ToMakeLiveorLetDie? HuskenF(1989)CyclesofcommercializationandaccumulationinacentralJavanesevillage.InGHart,ATurtonandBWhite(eds)AgrarianTransformations:LocalProcessesandtheStateinSoutheastAsia(pp303–331).Berkeley:UniversityofCaliforniaPressHuskenFandKoningJ(2006)Betweentwoworlds:SocialsecurityinIndonesia.InJKoningandFHusken(eds).RopewalkingandSafetyNets:LocalWaysofManagingInsecuritiesinIndonesia(pp1–26).Leiden:BrillHuskenFandWhiteB(1989)Java:Socialdifferentiation,foodproduction,andagrariancontrol.InGHart,ATurtonandBWhite(eds)AgrarianTransformations:LocalProcessesandtheStateinSoutheastAsia(pp235–265).Berkeley:UniversityofCaliforniaPressILO(1991)RecentDevelopmentsinthePlantationSector.Geneva:InternationalLabourOrganizationIndonesianPalmOilBoard(2007)SustainableOilPalmPlantation.Jakarta:IndonesianPalmOilBoardInterPressServiceNewsAgency(2009)Specialeconomiczones,pathtomassivelandgrab.2June,http://www.ipsnews.net/print.asp?idnews34732Accessed8JuneInternationalHeraldTribune(2009)UnemployedAsiansreturntovillages.28JanuaryJakartaPost(2008a)Palmoilplantationslinkedtochildslaveryandprostitution.17JakartaPost(2008b)SurfingandcrashingintheIndonesianoilpalmboom.28MarchJeffreyC(2009)Fixingfutures:EducatedunemploymentthroughaNorthIndianlens.ComparativeStudiesinSocietyinHistoryJeffreyC,JeffreyPandJeffreyR(2008)Dalitrevolution?NewpoliticiansinUttarPradesh,India.JournalofAsianStudiesKanburR(2001)Economicpolicy,distributionandpoverty:ThenatureofWorldDevelopmentLiTM(2007a)Practicesofassemblageandcommunityforestmanagement.andSocietyLiTM(2007b)TheWilltoImprove:Governmentality,Development,andthePracticeofPolitics.Durham:DukeUniversityPressLiTM(inpress)Indigeneity,capitalism,andthemanagementofdispossession.CurrentAnthropologyLohmannL(1999)Forestcleansing:Racialoppressioninscientificnatureconservation.CornerHouseBriefingMarxK(1986)Capital:ACritiqueofPoliticalEconomyvol1.Moscow:ProgressMigrationNews(2008)SoutheastAsia,http://www.migration.ucdavis.edu/mn/3445_0_3_0Accessed8June2009MigrationNews(2009)SoutheastAsia,http://www.migration.ucdavis.edu/mn/3495_0_3_0Accessed8June2009MinesandCommunities(2007)CoalcompanywantstohireChineseworkersforB.C.mine.28May,http://www.minesandcommunities.org//article.php?a3880Accessed18June2009MitchellT(2002)RuleofExperts:Egypt,Technopolitics,Modernity.Berkeley:UniversityofCaliforniaPressMosseD(2007)PowerandtheDurabilityofPoverty:ACriticalExplorationoftheLinksbetweenCulture,MarginalityandChronicPoverty.CPRCWorkingPaper107.Manchester:ChronicPovertyResearchCentreMosseD(2008)Internationalpolicy,developmentexpertise,andanthropology.Focaal—EuropeanJournalofAnthropology2009TheAuthorJournalcompilation2009EditorialBoardof 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apocalypse.Itisnotamediaevent,likeamassacre,anearthquake,orafaminethatkillslargenumbersinacompressedperiodoftime.NorisitaMalthusianproblemofinadequateglobalfoodsupply.Itisastealthyviolencethatconsignslargenumbersofpeopletoleadshortandlimitedlives.Bothlettingdie,andmakinglive,haveapolitics,butIrejecttheideathatthetwoareinsomekindoffunctionalequilibrium—thatitisnecessarytoselectsometodie,inorderforotherstolive.Nodoubtsuchselectionsaremade,accordingtoawholerangeofrationales(race,virtue,diligence,citizenship,location,age,gender,efficiency,affordability;seeSider2006)butif“thepointistochangeit”,wecannotconcedethatselectionisnecessary.Itispossibleforsocialforcestomobilizeinawhollymakelivedirection.MakelivepossibilitiesarehighlightedbyconjuncturessuchastheonethatemergedinthestateofKeralainIndia,whichhasapredominantlyruralpopulationandnospecialnaturalendowments,yethasachievedanaveragelifeexpectancyofaround73,10yearslongerthantheall-Indiaaverageof63.Thiseffectwasproducedbydecadesofinvestmentinpublichealthandeducation,togetherwithratesofpayforagriculturalworkersthatare100%higherthanelsewhereinIndiaforthesameThesocialforcesthatputthisregimeinplaceincludedastronglabourmovement,andacommunistpartyheldaccountablethroughdemocraticelections.ThewaytheseforcescametogetherinKeralaistheproductofastrugglewithitsown,uniquehistorythatcannotbereplicatedinmodularfashion.Further,thegainsinKeralaarefragile,andincompletelyrealized(Paraiyil2000;Steur2009;Tharamangalam2006).Nevertheless,Keralaconfirmsthat“makinglive”ismorethanacounterfactual—ittooishere,andnotjustinthewelfarestatesoftheglobalNorth.Makeliveinterventionsbecomeurgentwhenpeoplecannolongersustaintheirownlivesthroughdirectaccesstothemeansofproduction,oraccesstoalivingwage.InlargepartsofruralAsia,myfocusinthisessay,theseconditionshavebecomewidespreadasaresultoftwosetsofforces:anewroundofenclosuresthathavedispossessedlargenumbersofruralpeoplefromtheland;andthelowabsorptionoftheirlabour,whichis“surplus”totherequirementsofcapitalaccumulation.Forthe700millionAsianswholiveonlessthanadollaraday,tinyincomesareampletestamenttothefactthatnoonehasamarketincentivetopaythecostsofkeepingthemalivefromdaytoday,orfromonegenerationtothenext.YetIamnotconvincedthattheirchronicunder-reproductionis,asAraghi(2009:119)hasargued,“astrategyofglobalcapital”.Iseetheirperilouscondition,rather,asasignoftheirverylimitedrelevancetocapitalatanyscale.Ifthepopulationrenderedsurplustocapital’srequirementsistolivedecently,itwillbebecauseoftheactivationofabiopoliticsthatplacestheintrinsicvalueoflife—ratherthanthe2009TheAuthorJournalcompilation2009EditorialBoardof 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virtuesoftheThaicountrysideasa“socialsafetynet”(HeraldTribune2009).Acriticalflawintheseobservations,however,isthatalargenumberofthosewhoexitruralareashavenofarms,andsomeofthemhavebeenlandlessformultiplegenerations.If“farm-financedsocialwelfare”worksatall,itworksforprosperouslandowners.Forthepooritisamirage,withpotentiallylethaleffects.Inhisrecentbook,MarkDuffield(2007:19)drawsastarkcontrastbetween“insuredlife”intheglobalNorth,and“non-insuredsurpluslife”intheglobalSouth.Thegoaloftransnationaldevelopmentintervention,heargues,isnottoextendnorthern-stylesocialprotectionstothepopulationoftheglobalSouth,buttokeepthelatterintheirplace—ensconcedintheirnations,communitiesandfamilies,wheretheymustbeself-sufficient,andnotmakedemands.Ithinkthedistinctionbetweeninsuredanduninsuredlifeisaccurateenoughasadescriptionofthestatusquo,butitisnottheendofhistory.AsInotedearlier,somepartsofthedevelopmentapparatustalkintermsofrightsandentitlements,eventhoughtheydonothavethemeanstosecurethem.Moresignificantly,Duffield’sNorth–SouthdivisionunderestimatestheaspirationforbroaderformsofsocialjusticethatexistswithinsomenationsoftheglobalSouth,isnurturedinunions,socialmovements,left-leaningpoliticalpartiesandthe“lefthand”ofthestateapparatus,andcansometimesassembleaprotectivebiopolitics,despitetheodds.Inthenextsection,IexamineonesuchassemblageinIndia,thataspirestosecurethe“righttofood”onanationalscale,andcontrastitwiththesituationinIndonesia,wheremovementsforsocialjusticearetruncated,andthemythofvillageself-sufficiencyleavesthedispossessedseriouslyexposed.ThePoliticsofEntitlementThe“righttofood”initiativeinIndiatookoffin2001,whenagroupofpublicinterestlawyersfromRajasthansuedthegovernmentforitsfailuretomeetitslegalobligationtosupplyfaminerelieftopeopleafflictedbydrought,althoughgovernmentwarehouseswerewellstockedwithgrain.Thelawyersandtheiralliesinsideandoutsidethestateapparatusthenexpandedthelegalcasetocoverthemuchmorepervasiveproblemofhungerandmalnutrition,arguingthatinpermittingtheseconditionstopersist,thegovernmentwasinviolationofitsconstitutionalobligationtoprotectandenhancethelifeofitscitizens.TheSupremeCourtrespondedbyconfirmingthatcitizensofIndiadoindeedhaveaconstitutionallyguaranteed“righttofood”.Insodoing,itenfranchisedthestaggering380millionpeople(35%ofIndia’spopulation)whoseincome—lessthanadollaraday—leavesthemchronicallyshortofpropernourishment.TheCourtthenappointedcommissioners,andoversawthedevelopmentofnationalprogramsdesignedtofollowthroughonthe“righttofood”,includingfree2009TheAuthorJournalcompilation2009EditorialBoardof 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pervasivelandlossand“depeasantization”(Araghi2009;Bryceson,KayandMooij2000).Large-scaleenclosuresinSoutheastAsiatookanewtwistin2008whentheglobalhikeinfoodpricesprovokedChinaandotherrichbutfood-insecurecountries,especiallyJapanandtheGulfstates,tobuyorleaselandinCambodia,thePhilippines,Indonesia,BurmaandLaos.Thelargestofthesenewenclosures,1.6millionhainWestPapua,wasacquiredbySaudiArabiatogrowrice,thepreferredfoodoftheAsianmigrantworkersonwhomtheSaudieconomydepends.ButasJenniferClapp(2008)pointsout,theso-called“foodcrisis”wasnotcausedbychangesindemandforfood,orthefoodsupply,andMalthusiantalkofglobalpopulationoutstrippingfoodsupplywasmisplaced.Themaindriverofthepricehikewaslargeinstitutionalinvestorsswitchingoutofdollarsandintocommodities,amongthemoilandfood.Nevertheless,asthe“foodcrisis”receded,itleftbehindapowerfulrationaleforanewsetofgloballandseizuresbrokereddirectlybetweengovernments,orinitiatedbycorporations,andsupportedbytheIFIs.Food-insecuregovernmentsarguedthattheycouldnolongerputtheirpopulationsatriskofhungerbyrelyingonfoodimports;theyhadtoengagedirectlyinoffshorefoodproductiontoguaranteetheirsupply.Corporationsjoinedintheseventuresintheexpectationthatincreasingglobalfooddemandwouldyieldprofits.TheWorldBankincreaseditspressureonnationalgovernmentstorelaxlawsonlandownership,arguingthatforeigninvestmentwouldbringdevelopment(GRAIN2009:8).There-alignmentbetweencapital,landandlabourintheseoffshoreproductionregimessignalsanewformofdisconnect.Thepurposeistocontroloffshorelandandresources.Offshorelabourisoptional.SomeoftheChinesegovernment’soffshoreplantationsexportChineselabourtodothework(GRAIN2009:3,10).ChinahasalsoexportedChineselabourtostaffminesinPapua,andproposestodothesameinCanada.ChinesecorporationsthathaveacquiredCanadianminesarguethatskilledmineworkersareinshortsupply,andtheywantpermissiontoimportChinesemineworkersenbloc,sotheycanworkas“anentireminecrew”(Ernst&Young2008;MinesandCommunitiesGlobeandMail2009).TheyhopetomakeuseoftheTemporaryForeignWorkerProgram,initiallydesignedtoenableCanadianagribusinessestoimportMexicanandCaribbeanmigrantworkersforseasonalfarmworkunderharshcontractsthatwouldnotbelegal,oracceptable,forCanadianlabour.Inthefarmworkerprogram,thelowpriceoftheimportedlabouriskey.Withoutit,Ontariofarmerswouldstopproducingtomatoes.IfChinesemineworkersareimportedintoCanada,however,thelogicwouldbedifferent.NodoubttheuseofChineseworkerswouldmaketheminesmoreprofitable.ButthecriticalshiftbroughtaboutbytheuseofChineseworkersisthewayitclarifiesthedisconnectbetweentheChinesegovernmentandtheCanadianpopulation.The2009TheAuthorJournalcompilation2009EditorialBoardof 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DavisM(2006)PlanetofSlums.London:VersoDeKoninckR(2006)Onthegeopoliticsoflandcolonization:OrderanddisorderonthefrontiersofVietnamandIndonesia.DoveM(1999)Representationsofthe“other”byothers:Theethnographicchallengeposedbyplanters’viewsofpeasantsinIndonesia.InTMLi(ed)TransformingtheIndonesianUplands:Marginality,PowerandProduction(pp203–229).London:Routledge/HarwoodDrezeJandKheraR(2009)Thebattleforemploymentguarantee.Frontlinehttp://www.flonnet.com/fl2601/stories/20090116260100400.htmAccessed1JulyDuffieldM(2007)Development,SecurityandUnendingWar:GoverningtheWorldofPeoples.Cambridge:PolityElsonR(1997)TheEndofthePeasantryinSoutheastAsia:ASocialandEconomicHistoryofPeasantLivelihood.London:MacMillanPressElyacharJ(2005)MarketsofDispossession:NGOs,EconomicDevelopment,andtheStateinCairo.Durham:DukeUniversityPressErnst&Young(2008)LabourshortagethreatensCanada’sminingindustry.23June,http://www.ey.com/global/content.nsf/Canada/media_-_2008_-_Mining_Human_CapitalAccessed12March2008FergusonJ(2005)GlobalShadows.Durham:DukeUniversityPressFisherCA(1964)South-EastAsia:ASocial,EconomicandPoliticalGeographyLondon:MethuenFoucaultM(1991)Governmentality.InGBurchell,CGordonandPMiller(eds)FoucaultEffect:StudiesinGovernmentality(pp87–104).Chicago:UniversityofChicagoPressFoucaultM(2003)“SocietyMustbeDefended”:LecturesattheCollegedeFrance.NewYork:PicadorGeertzC(1963)AgriculturalInvolution:TheProcessesofEcologicalChangein.Berkeley:UniversityofCaliforniaPressGlassmanJ(2006)Primitiveaccumulation,accumulationbydispossession,accumu-lationby“extra-economic”means.ProgressinHumanGeographyGovernmentofIndia(2006)UnlockingHumanCapital:EntitlementsandGovernanceACaseStudy.Delhi:SecondAdministrativeReformsCommission,GovernmentofIndia,http://www.righttofoodindia.org/data/goi2006adminreformscommissionnregareport.pdfAccessed19January2009GoldmanM(2005)ImperialNature:TheWorldBankandStrugglesforSocialJusticeintheAgeofGlobalization.NewHaven:YaleUniversityPressGRAIN(2009)Seized!The2008LandGrabforFoodandFinancialSecurityhttp://www.grain.org/go/landgrabAccessed19December2008HallD(2004)SmallholdersandthespreadofcapitalisminruralSoutheastAsia.PacificViewpointHarrissJ(unpublished)“Reformsguidedbycompassionandjustice”?Thetemperingofneo-liberalisminIndia?Harriss-WhiteB(2005)Destitutionandthepovertyofitspolitics—withspecialreferencetoSouthAsia.WorldDevelopmentHartG(2004)Developmentandgeography:Criticalethnography.ProgressinHumanGeographyHarveyD(2003)TheNewImperialism.Oxford:OxfordUniversityPressHetheringtonK(forthcoming)GuerrillaAuditors:ThePoliticsofTransparencyinpost-ColdWarParaguay.Durham:DukeUniversityPressHugoG(2007)Indonesia’slaborlooksabroad.MigrationInformationSource,http://www.migrationinformation.org/Profiles/print.cfm?ID594Accessed13January20092009TheAuthorJournalcompilation2009EditorialBoardof