Did de Gaulle he asks actually haveagranddesignthatistosayanoverarchingandambitiousvisiontore shape international affairs Or was he engaged in mere posturing the only real purpose of which was to enhance French prestige That question lies at the hea ID: 46129
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ThedeGaueProThedeGaulleProblemMarcTrachtenbergeneralCharlesdeGaulle,presidentoftheFrenchRepublicfrom1958to1969,wascertainlyanextraordinaryªgure,butwhatarewetomakeofhispolicies?IntheconcludingessayinGlobalizingdeGaulle,GarretMartinputshisªngeronthekeyproblem.DiddeGaulle,heasks,actuallyhaveagranddesign,thatistosayanoverarchingandambitiousvisiontoreshapeinternationalaffairs?Orwasheengagedinmereposturing,theonlyrealpurposeofwhichwastoenhanceFrenchprestige?ThatquestionliesattheheartofwhatmightbecalledthedeGaulleproblemthewholeproblemofhowthedeGaullephenomenon,especiallydeGaullesforeignpolicy,istobeinterpretedandMartinanswersitinaverydirectway.DeGaulle,hethinks,didhaveanambitiousgranddesigntoovercometheColdWarbipolarorder.FromtheoutsetdeGaulleknewwhathewantedtodo:TheGeneral,Martinsays,returnedtopowerin1958withalong-termblueprintforrelationswiththeSovietUnionandforEuro-peansecurity.AndMartingivesthatstrategyfairlyhighgrades.EvenontheGermanquestion,thecentralissueingreat-powerpoliticsduringthisperiod,MartincontendsthatdeGaulleofferedacompellinglong-termvisionforaEuropeansolutiontothatproblem.Otherobserversseethingsdifferently,butMartinsviewissharedbymanyscholars.Indeed,theprevailingviewtodayisthatdeGaullespolicydidmakesenseonitsowntermsthatdeGaullehadacoherentprogram,andthathisvisionprovidesuswiththekeytounderstandingwhathewasdoingattheoperationallevel.Butdoesthatviewholdupinthelightoftheevidence?Togetatthatis1.GarretMartin,Conclusion:AGaullistGrandStrategy?,inChristianNuenlist,AnnaLocher,andGarretMartin,eds.,GlobalizingdeGaulle:InternationalPerspectivesonFrenchForeignPolicies,1958to(Lanham,MD:Rowman&Littleªeld,2010),p.291.2.Ibid.,pp.304,298 299.3.Seeesp.thepassageinanarticlecitedbyMartinonp.307n.65:Georges-HenriSoutou,LadécisionfrançaisedequitterlecommandementintégrédelOTAN(1966),inHans-JoachimHarder,VonTrumanbisHarmel:DieBundesrepublikDeutschlandimSpannungsfeldvonNATOundeuropäischerIntegration(Munich:Oldenbourg,2000),esp.p.195.Notealsothebasicthrustofthear JournalofColdWarStudiesVol.14,No.1,Winter2012,pp.81 92©2012bythePresidentandFellowsofHarvardCollegeandtheMassachusettsInstituteofTechnology sue,theªrststepistolookatthefundamentalconceptthatlayattheheartofdeGaullesapproachtoforeignpolicy,hisbasicnotionofaEuropeanEurope.WhatexactlydiddeGaullehaveinmindwhenheusedthatterm?Heinfactusedthetermintwodistinctandsomewhatcontradictoryways.Sometimes,especiallyinthemid-1960s,theconceptofaEuropeanEuropewastiedtothenotionofaEuropefromtheAtlantictotheUrals.Thebasicideaherewasthatthetwohegemonicpowers,theUnitedStatesandRussia(asdeGaullelikedtocalltheUSSR),wouldgraduallyloosentheirgripovertheirrespectivespheresofinºuenceinEurope,andtheEuropeanpeopleswouldrecovertheirindependenceandworkoutasettlementtheyallcouldlivewith.ThatsettlementwouldprovideforareuniªedGermanstateastatethatwouldhavenonuclearweaponsandwouldhavetoacceptthe1945borders.TheSovietUnion,asaEuropeanpower,wouldbeincludedinthisprocess,buttheUnitedStateswouldbetreatedessentiallyasanoutsider.TheAmericanswouldbeaskedonlytoguaranteethesettlementtheEuropeanshadworkedoutamongthemselves.Wasthispan-EuropeanvisionconsistentwithdeGaullesphilosophyofinternationalpolitics?Oneofhismostfundamentalassumptionswasthatgreatnationsstriveforrealcontrolovertheirowndestinies,whichmeantthattheyneededtobeabletodefendthemselves.Inhisview,ofcourse,Franceinparticularcouldbetrulyindependentonlyifitpossesseditsownnuclearforce.ButwhywouldthesamelogicnotapplytotheFederalRepublicofGermany(FRG)?DeGaullesometimesseemedtothinkthattheFRG,likeFrance,wouldsoonerorlaterinsistonbecomingafullysovereignpower.ButdidntthismeanthattheGermanswouldhavetoacquireanuclearcapability?ItwasinfactonthebasisofthiskindofthinkingthatdeGaulleintheearly1960sseemedtobelievethatnomatterhowdistastefultheprospectwas,aWestGermannuclearcapabilitywasmoreorlessinevitable.Whateverwedoorsay,hetoldU.S.SecretaryofStateDeanRuskinApril1963,thedaywillcomewhen[theGermans]willdoastheyplease[inthenucleararea],andneitheryounorwewillbeabletopreventthemfromdoingso.By1964,however,hehadturnedwithgreatforceagainsttheideathattheFRGcouldeverbeallowedtobecomeanuclearpower.Heassumedthat 82 TrachtenberggumentinwhatisprobablythemostimportantscholarlystudyofdeGaullesforeignpolicy,MauriceVaïsse,Lagrandeur:PolitiqueétrangèredugénéraldeGaulle,1958 1969(Paris:Fayard,1998).4.See,forexample,deGaullesremarksinameetingwithformerWestGermanchancellorKonradAdenauer,10March1966,inDocumentsdiplomatiquesfrançais,1966,Vol.1,p.423(henceforthcitedasDDFwithyearandvol.no.)5.Rusk deGaullemeeting,8April1963,inDDF,1963,Vol.1,p.378.SeealsodeGaulle Bohlenmeeting,4January1963,inDDF,1963,Vol.1,p.21;anddeGaulle Adenauermeeting,21January1963,inDDF,1963,Vol.1,pp.95 96. otherpowersaboveall,theSovietUnionandFrancewouldbeabletopreventWestGermanyfromgoingnuclear.Buthow,insuchasystem,couldtheproblemofSovietpowerbedealtwith?EvenifSovietpolicyweretoloseitsideologicaledge(asheforesaw),animbalanceofpowerbetweentheUSSRandtheFRGwouldalmostcertainlycreateproblems.JustasAmericasenormouspowerledtheUnitedStates,indeGaullesview,topursueadomineeringpolicynomatterwhatitsintentions,sotheabsenceofaneffectivecounterweighttoSovietpowerinEuropecouldeasilyleadtoanoverlyassertiveSovietpolicy.HeunderstoodthatFrancealonecouldnotprovidethatcounterweight.AFrench-dominatedWesternEurope,however,mightbeabletoprovideit,anddeGaulleseemedtobeaimingatthatkindofsystem.ButwhywouldWestGermanygoalongwithsuchanarrangement?TheideathattheFRGwouldacceptsuchasubordinatepositionwasscarcelyinkeepingwithdeGaullesownpoliticalphilosophy:soonerorlatertheGermanswouldwanttopursueapolicyoftheirown.ItwasperhapsbecausehesensedthatapurelyEuropeansystemmightnotbeperfectlystablethathethoughttheUnitedStateswouldstillhavetoplayacertainroleinunderwritingthesys-temtheEuropeanshadworkedoutforthemselves.ButiftheAmericanswerepushedtothemarginsofEuropeanpoliticallife,whywouldtheyprovidease-curityguarantee?DeGaulle,however,wasnotparticularlyinterestedinquestionsofthatsort.WhenhespokeofaEuropefromtheAtlantictotheUrals,hewaslay-ingoutnotsomuchapoliticalprogramasavisionofhowthingsmightde-velopinthefairlydistantfutureavisionofaEuropefreedfromthetwohe-gemonies,freetosettleitsownaffairs.Bywordanddeed,hecouldsetanexamplethatothersinbothpartsofEuropemightfollow.Buthecertainlyunderstoodthatintheªnalanalysishisabilitytomovethingsinthatdirectionwasquitelimited.Hewasdescribingahistoricalprocess,aprocessrootedessentiallyincertainfundamentallong-termchangesthatweretakingplaceintheCommunistworldanddidnotdependinanyfundamentalwayontheparticularpolicytheFrenchgovernmentsoughttopursue.Inpracticalterms,therealfocusofhispolicylayelsewhere.TheimmediateproblemhadtodowithwhetherthedefenseofEuropewouldrestessentiallyonU.S.power,orwhetherWesternEuropewouldbecome(touse 83 ThedeGaulleProblem6.FordeGaullesthinkinginthisregard,seeentryfor22August1962inAlainPeyreªtte,CétaitdeGaulle,3vols.(Paris:Fayard,1994),Vol.1,pp.158 159.ItwaswidelysuspectedinWestGermanyatthetimethatthiswasdeGaullesgoal.SeeBenediktSchoenborn,Lamésententeapprivoisée:DeGaulleetlesAllemands,1963 1969(Paris:PUF,2007),esp.p.65.7.See,forexample,deGaulle Lübkemeeting,21July1966,inDDF,1966,Vol.2,p.378;anddeGaulle Lucetmeeting,25July1966,inDDF,1966,Vol.2,p.415. DwightEisenhowersphrase)athirdgreatpowercomplexintheworld,capableofbalancingSovietpowerwithoutdirectU.S.support.InthisareaFranceplayakeyrole,anddeGaulleevidentlyverymuchpreferredthatsecondsolution.Hisgoal,hesaid,wastocreateacontinentalWestEuropeanblocthatcouldstandonitsownbothmilitarilyandpolitically,aEuropethatcouldbetrulyindependentoftheUnitedStatesandoftheSovietUnionaswell,aEuropethatcouldchartitsowncourseinworldaffairs.Heoftenspoke,thatis,asthoughheverymuchwantedtocreateaEuropeanEuropeinasecondsenseoftheterm:afreestandingcontinentalWestEuropeanbloc.ThisblocwouldbebasednotonaFranco-SovietbutonaFranco-Germanentente:FranceandtheFRGtogetherwouldbetheheartofaEuropecapableofbeingtrulyEuropean,thatis,independent.Initselfthiswasbynomeansanabsurdidea.FranceandWestGermany,withthesmallercountriesinthewesternpartofthecontinentorganizedbehindthem,werecertainlycapableofgeneratingenoughpowertoholdtheirowninEurope.WestGermanleaders,notjustwhenKonradAdenauerwasinchargebutalsoduringthecoalitiongovernmentunderKurtKiesingerandWillyBrandt(1966 1969),werequiteopentotheconcept.TheynaturallyhadnowishtoremaintotallydependentontheUnitedStatesforever,andtheyknewthatafreestandingEuropewasmuchmoreacceptable,bothathomeandabroad,thanafreestandingGermany.AsfortheAmericans,they,too,werequitewillingtogointhisdirection,atleastuntilJanuary1961.CarolyneDavidsonsaysinhercontributiontoGlobalizingdeGaullethatevenduringtheEisenhoweradministrationtheU.S.governmentwasdeterminedtoexercisecontrolinWesternEuropeand,inparticular,toretainultimatecontrolovernuclearweapons.ButitisquiteclearthatEisenhowerwouldhavebeendelightediftheEuropeanshadcometogetherasablocandtakenchargeoftheirownpoliticalfateandheunderstoodthattodosotheywouldhavetobuildanuclearforceoftheirown.Hewasbynomeansopposedtothatidea.HewasnotevenagainsttheideaofaWestGermannu 84 Trachtenberg8.SeeMarcTrachtenberg,AConstructedPeace:TheMakingoftheEuropeanSettlement,1945 1963(Princeton,NJ:PrincetonUniversityPress,1999),p.147n.9.Entryfor21September1963inPeyreªtte,CétaitdeGaulle,Vol.2,p.239.10.CarolyneDavidson,DealingwithdeGaulle:TheUnitedStatesandFrance,inNuenlist,Locher,andMartin,eds.,GlobalizingdeGaulle,pp.112 113.11.SeeTrachtenberg,ConstructedPeace,esp.pp.147 156,205 210.TheEisenhowerpolicywasdroppedwhenJohnF.Kennedytookofªce,andthenewadministrationinitsªrsttwoyearsopposedtheideaofnuclearweaponsunderEuropeancontrol.ButthepolicyshiftedagaininDecember1962,whenKennedytriedtoseewhethersomesortofnucleararrangementcouldbeworkedoutwiththeFrench.Seepp.363 370.Thatattemptfailed,butKennedydidnotloseinterestinthesubject.Hisnationalsecurityadviser,McGeorgeBundy,forexample,wentsofarastotellaFrenchdiplomatinAugust1963thattheUnitedStateswasready,unconditionally,tohelpFrancemanufacturebombs.SeedeLeussetoCouvedeMurville,7August1963,inDDF,1963,Vol.2,p.161. clearforce.HeknewthatthedefenseofEuropewasaburden,andheultimatelywantedtheEuropeansthemselves,nottheUnitedStates,tocarryit.ItwasforthatreasonthathewantedtoreducetheU.S.militarypresenceinEurope,perhapseventuallydowntozero,andtohavetheEuropeansprovidefortheirowndefense.AstheUnitedStatespulledoutitstroops,theNorthAtlanticTreatyOrganization(NATO),Eisenhowerbelieved,woulddevolveintoanessentiallyEuropeandefenseorganization,andtheNATOcommanderwouldbecomeaEuropean(and,infact,aFrench)general.ButdeGaullewasunreceptivetothatideawhenEisenhowerproposedit,anddespitealltherhetoricaboutaEuropeanEurope,theFrenchpresidentwasnotinanygreatrushtoseetheAmericansgoandtoreplaceNATOwithapurelyEuropeandefensesystem.ThebasicreasonhadtodowithGermany.DeGaullecameclosesttoacceptingtheideaofafreestandingEurope,notjustinwordsbutinfact,intheearly1960s.Atthattimehethoughtthat,likeitornot,aWestGermannuclearforcemightwellbeunavoidable,andforawhileheseemedinclinedtobuildhispolicyonthatassumptiontoacceptthefactthattheFRG,likeFrance,wouldatacertainpointbecomeanuclearpower,andthatanuclear-armedFranceandanuclear-armedWestGermanycouldbethetwogreatpillarsonwhichatrulyindependentEuropecouldbebuilt.Butevenduringthatperiod,hehadrealmisgivingsabouttheideaofaGermannuclearcapability.GiventhewaytheGermanshadbe-havedintheªrsthalfofthecentury,couldtheyreallybetrustedwithnu-clearweapons?Ontheotherhand,ifyoutooktheideaofanindependentWesternEuropeatallseriously,itwashardtoruleoutthepossibilityofanuclearWestGermany.ForhowcouldEuropedefenditselfhowcouldyouhaveaEuropethatwasnotjustanAmericanprotectorateifoneofitsmost 85 ThedeGaulleProblem12.Trachtenberg,ConstructedPeace,pp.209 210.13.Ibid.,pp.213 215,224 226.14.SomecommentshemadeatameetingwithAdenauerin1960areofparticularinterestinthiscontext.Francewasbuildingnuclearweapons,hesaid,becauseFrancecouldnolongerremaininastateofdependenceanditwasmorethanprobablethatthedaywouldcomewhenGermanywouldalsowanttobuildanuclearforceofitsown.ThedefenseofEuropecouldnotdependonthevagariesofAmericanpoliticallife,andthismeantthatFranceandWestGermanyhadtobeabletodefendthemselvesbycomingtogetheranddevelopinganuclearcapability:CettesituationimpliqueincontestablementuneunionentrelaFranceetlAllemagneetimpliquerasansdoutequàpartirduncertainmoment,celle-cinerestepas,nonplus,dépourvudarmesnucléaires....Ilestintolérablepournosdeuxpeuples,quiassumentdegrandesresponsabilitésetontdegrandescapacités,dadmettrequecenestpasàeuxdesedéfendrepareux-mêmes,lecaséchéant,etquelesAméricainsensontresponsablesàleurplace.SeedeGaulle Adenauermeeting,29July1960,inDDF,1960,Vol.2,pp.165 166.Thesepassageswereªrstquoted(inGermantranslation)inGeorges-HenriSoutou,DeGaulle,AdenauerunddiegemeinsameFrontgegendieamerikanischeNuklearstrategie,inE.W.Hansen,G.Schreiber,andB.Wegner,eds.,PolitischerWandel,organisierteGewaltundnationaleSicherheit(Munich:Oldenbourg,1995),pp.498 499.Theaccountofthismeeting,basedonGermansources,inHans-PeterSchwarz,Adenauer:DerStaatsmann,1952 1967(Stuttgart:DeutscheVerlags-Anstalt,1991),p.566,isalsoquiterevealing. important,andmostexposed,memberstateswastobekeptnon-nuclear?AndifyoudidtrytopreventtheWestGermansfromgoingnuclear,whatkindofmessagewouldyoubegivingthem?WouldntyoubesayingthatnomatterhowdemocraticandEuropeantheWestGermanshadbecome,theywerestillmistrustedthatalthoughitwasacceptableforothercountries,likeCommunistChina,tobuildanuclearforcebecausethatmadeforamoremultipolarworld,thesameprinciplesimplydidnotapplytotheFederalReIftheFrenchreallyfeltthatway,whatkindofpartnershipcouldtheyhavewiththeWestGermans?WhatsortofEuropecouldbebuiltonthatTheseproblemswereclearenough,andinthe1960 1963perioddeGaullewasnotsurewhichwayhewantedtogo.AsLouisJoxe,oneofhisclosestcollaborators,toldaU.S.diplomatinearly1963,deGaullewasmoreuncertainastotheGermanproblemthananyotherin[the]Europeanpicture.Butby1964theFrenchpresidenthadmadeuphismind.TheideaoftreatingtheFRGasanequal,theideaofanuclearGermanyandanuclearFrancecomingtogetherastheheartofatrulyindependentEurope,wasessen-tiallyabandoned.Thevague(andsomewhatdisingenuous)overturethatyeartoKarlCarstensaboutsomesortofWestGermanparticipationintheFrenchnuclearforce,whichCarineGermondalludestoinherarticleinGlobalizingdeGaulle,wasperhapsthelastvestigeofthatapproach.AndinfactitwasaroundthattimethatdeGaulleturnedverysharplyagainsttheideaofaWestGermannuclearcapabilityandanythingthatevenseemedtopointinthatdi-rection.FrancewasnowdeadsetagainsttheU.S.planforamultilateralforce(MLF),eventhoughthatplan(astheFrenchrealized)wassomethingofafraudthatis,itwouldnothavegiventheEuropeansanyrealcontrolovernuclearweapons.TheFrenchevenopposedtheplantheUnitedStatescameupwithasakindofsubstitutefortheMLF:U.S.SecretaryofDefenseRobertMcNamaras1965proposalforagreaterdegreeofallied,andespeciallyWestGerman,participationinNATOnuclearplanning.Thatproposal,whichledtotheestablishmentayearlateroftheNATONuclearPlanningGroup,was 86 Trachtenberg15.FordeGaullesreactiontotheexplosionofaChinesebombinOctober1964,seeInstitutCharlesdeGaulle,Laventuredelabombe:DeGaulleetladissuasionnucléaire(Paris:Plon,1985),p.352.16.BohlentoKennedy,23February1963,inStateDepartmentCentralFilesfor1963,POL15-1FR,RecordGroup59,U.S.NationalArchives,CollegePark,MD.17.CarineGermond,ACordialPotentiality?DeGaulleandtheFranco-GermanPartnership,1963 1969,inNuenlist,Locher,andMartin,eds.,GlobalizingdeGaulle,p.46.OntheoverturetoCarstens,seeSchoenborn,Lamésententeapprivoisée,pp.163 165;andAktenzurAuswärtigenPolitikderBundesrepublikDeutschland,1964,Vol.2,pp.766 768,775,890 891n.19(henceforthcitedasAAPDwithyearandvol.no.).18.TheMLFwascommonlyreferredtoatthetimeasthefarcemultilatérale,themultilateralfarce,atermGeneralPierreGalloisclaimedtohavecoined. opposedbytheFrenchmainlybecauseitinvolvedtheFRGtoocloselyindecisionsaboutnuclearuse.DeGaulleclearlythoughtthattheGermansshouldhavenosaywhatsoeverabouthowandwhennuclearweaponswouldbeused,eventhoughtheircountrywouldbemoredeeplyinvolvedthananyotherinaEuropeanwar.DeGaullebythatpointwasnotwillingeventoconsideranysortofEuropeannuclearforcethatis,anyformofnuclearsharingwiththeFRG:IamnotgoingtogiveourbombstoGermany!YoucanbequitesurethatIwillnotgiveuptheenormousadvantagewehaveovertheªveothermembersoftheCommonMarketbyvirtueofthefactthatwearetheonlyoneswhoarearmedwithnuclearweaponsandarethusinapositiontodefendourselves!Perhaps,atsomepointinthedistantfuture,aftertheEuropeanshadcometogetherpoliticallyandarealEuropeangovernmenthadcomeintobeing,Europewouldhaveitsownnuclearforce.ButuntilthentheGermansweretohavenosayoverhowtheFrenchforcewouldbeused.TheproblemwasthatwithnowayofprovidingfortheFRGsowndefensenorealcontroloverwhattheUnitedStateswoulddo,andnochanceofcreatingaEuropeanforcethatBonnwouldhavesomecontrolovertheWestGermansweretotallydependentontheUnitedStatesstrate-gicallyandthereforepolitically.Thiswasnotasituationtheyhadchosenforthemselves,andbothChancellorKiesingerandForeignMinisterBrandtwouldhavelikedtofollowamoreGaullistpath.ButdeGaulleassumedthattheWestGermansmadeachoicethattheyhaddecidednottobegoodEuropeans,thattheyhaddecidedinfacttobeAmericasvassals. 87 ThedeGaulleProblem19.Seeesp.deGaullesextraordinarycommentsinameetingwithU.S.UndersecretaryofStateGeorgeBall,31August1965,inDDF,1965,Vol.2,pp.280 281.AfterreadingwhatdeGaullesayshere,youhavetowonderwhetherhethoughtthatarealpartnershipbetweenFranceandGermanyinthelongrun,theonlypossiblebasisforatrulyindependentEuropewasarealisticgoal.RegardingFrenchpolicyonthequestionofGermanparticipationinNATOnuclearplanning,seealso,FrédéricBozo,DeuxstratégiespourlEurope:DeGaulle,lesEtats-Unisetlallianceatlantique,1958 1969(Paris:Plon,1996),pp.146 147.20.Entryfor25November1964inPeyreªtte,CétaitdeGaulle,Vol.2,p.63.21.DeGaulle Erhardmeeting,4July1964,in1964,Vol.2,p.775;anddeGaulle Adenauermeeting,9November1964,in1964,Vol.2,pp.1260 1261.22.See,forexample,deGaulle Kiesingermeeting,13January1967,inDDF,1967,Vol.1,p.71;deGaulle Kiesingermeeting,14January1967,inDDF,1967,Vol.1,p.86;deGaulle Kiesingermeeting,12July1967,inDDF,1967,Vol.2,p.67;deGaulle Kiesingermeeting,15February1968,DDF,1968,Vol.1,pp.317 318;anddeGaulle Kiesingermeeting,13March1969,Vol.1,pp.368,372 373.WillyBrandt,thenforeignminister,alsorejectedtheideathatWestGermanycouldbeanAmericansatellite.SeeMauriceVaïsse,DeGaulleetWillyBrandt:Deuxnonconformistesaupouvoir,inHorstMöllerandMauriceVaïsse,eds.,WillyBrandtundFrankreich(Munich:Oldenbourg,2005),p.104.23.See,forexample,deGaulle Kiesingermeeting,27September1968,in1968,Vol.2,pp.1200 1209,esp.1208.ThepreviousyearhehadtoldKiesingerdirectlythatalthoughtheFederalRepublicwantedgoodrelationswithFrance,theWestGermanshinderedthisbyslavishlyfollowing strucktheWestGermansasdeeplyunfair,especiallybecausedeGaullesownpolicyhadnotbeendesignedtoenabletheFRGtofreeitselffromdependenceontheUnitedStatesaboveallbyallowingittotakepartinaneffectiveEuropeandefensesystem.Andindeedwhenyoulookatthiswholestory,youreallyhavetowonderhowseriousdeGaullewasaboutbuildingasolidrelationshipwithGermany,andthusaboutcreatingatrulyEuropeanEurope.Soyoucomeawayfromallthiswiththesensethattherewasanenormousgapbetweenrhetoricandreality.Theofªciallinewasclear.DeGaullesbasicideawasthatyouhadtomoveawayfromtheYaltasystemthesysteminwhichthetwosuperpowershaddividedEuropebetweenthem,thesystemthatkepttheEuropeansdownandkeptthemfromcreatingamoreunitedandmorepeacefulcontinent.HetookitforgrantedthatSovietleaderswerenottheonlyonesresponsibleforthissituation.TheAmericanswerealsotoblame.U.S.hegemonywassuffocatingtheEuropeans,preventingthemfrombeingthemselvesandreachinganunderstandingwiththeEast.ThatwaswhyintheorytheFrenchandtheWestGermanshadtocometo-getherandstanduptotheUnitedStates.ThatwaswhyatrulyindependentEuropeaEuropethatultimatelycouldstandonitsownmilitarilyhadtobebroughtintobeing.Andyettherealitywasverydifferent.DeGaullecertainlybelievedthatFrancehadtobeindependent,andthismeant,tohismind,thatFrenchforcescouldnotbeintegratedintotheNATOsystemandthatFranceneededanuclearforceofitsown.ButthisGaullistdoctrinewasnotintendedasanar-ticleforexportnottoGermany,atanyrate.Tobesure,deGaullesome-timessuggestedtotheWestGermansthattheytoo,soonerorlater,wouldfollowinFrancesfootstepsthateventuallytheircountrywouldagainbefullysovereign,thatcountrieslikeFranceandGermanywouldinsistontakingcontroloftheirownfate.Butthosewordscannotbetakenatfacevalue,certainlynotafter1963.SovereigntytodeGaullemeantanuclearcapability,andbythemid-1960shewasdead-setagainsttheideaoftheWestGermansgettinganycontrolovernuclearweapons,andwasevenquitereluctanttomove 88 TrachtenbergtheAmericanleadinderHörigkeitAmerikaszustehen,intheGermanaccount;êtredanslobédiencedelAmérique,intheFrenchrecord.DeGaulle Kiesingermeeting,13January1967,in1967,Vol.1,p.68;anddeGaulle Kiesingermeeting,13January1967,inDDF,1967,Vol.1,p.66.24.DeGaulle Brandtmeeting,15or16December1966,inDDF,1966,Vol.2,p.1020;anddeGaulle Brandtmeeting,15or16December1966,in1966,Vol.2,p.1640.25.DeGaulle Kiesingermeeting,25April1967,in1967,Vol.2,p.645.26.See,forexample,deGaulle Adenauermeeting,21September1963,inDDF,1963,Vol.2,p.284;deGaulle Adenauermeeting,10March1966,inDDF,1966,Vol.1,p.423;anddeGaulle vonKielmannseggmeeting,16March1967,inDDF,1967,Vol.1,p.318. aheadwiththeestablishmentofaEuropeandefensesystem,eventhoughthatideawascloselytiedtothenotionofanindependentEurope.Frenchofªcialsinfactopposedtheideabyarguingthatifanythingofthesortwerecreated,itwouldallowtheUnitedStatestoavoidinvolvementinaEuropeanwarwhichwasnotatallthesortofargumentyouwouldhaveexpectedtheFrenchtomakeiftheyhadtakentheirownrhetoricatfacevalue.TherealityisthatdeGaullewasnotinterestedinseeingU.S.troopsleaveEurope,assomeofthearticlesinGlobalizingdeGaullemakeclear.ButthekeypointtoemphasizehereisthatthereasonhadtodoasmuchwithWestGermanyaswiththeSovietUnion.FranceitselfcouldnotbepartoftheintegratedNATOcommandsystem,butitwasagoodthingthattheFRGwasthatis,thatBundeswehrdivisionswereintegratedintoamilitarysystemunderU.S.command.FranceitselfwouldnotsigntheNuclearNonproliferationTreaty(NPT)becausethetreatywaspartofasystemthatallowedthetwosuperpowerstodominatetheworld.ButtheFrenchmadeitabundantlyclearthattheyexpectedWestGermanytosigntheNPT.Thebasicideaofanon-nuclearWestGermanywenthand-in-handwiththeideaofacontinuingU.S.militarypresenceinthatcountry,andacontinu-ingU.S.presenceintheFRGwasnotsomethingthatdeGaullefoundhardtoaccept.Inprinciple,hewantedtomovebeyondtheYaltasystem,andheblamedtheUnitedStatesandtheblocsystemforperpetuatingthedivisionofEurope.Inprinciple,hestoodforamoredynamicpolicy,onethataimedatovercomingtheColdWarstatusquo.Butinreality,whenyoulookatspeciªcs,itishardtoseehow,eveninthemid-andlate1960s,hispolicydif-feredinanyfundamentalwayfromU.S.policy.Neithercountrywantedtoseeanuclear-armedGermany;bothagreedthatWesternEuropeneededtobedefendedandthattheUnitedStateswouldplayafundamentalroleinthatdefense;bothwereinfavorofmovingbeyondtheColdWarandreducingEast- 89 ThedeGaulleProblem27.Couve-Schrödermeeting,12November1965,in1965,Vol.3,p.1701.28.See,forexample,JamesEllison,Britain,deGaullesNATOPolicies,andAnglo-FrenchRivalry,1963 1967,inNuenlist,Locher,andMartin,eds.,GlobalizingdeGaulle,p.148;andYukoTorikata,TheU.S.EscalationinVietnamanddeGaullesSecretSearchforPeace,1964 1966,inNuenlist,Locher,andMartin,eds.,GlobalizingdeGaulle,p.158.29.Seeesp.thedeGaulle Churchmeeting,4May1966,inDDF,1966,Vol.1,p.764.NoteaU.S.diplomatssummaryofdeGaullesviewsinearly1969,asrelayedtohimbyFrenchForeignMinisterMichelDebrésdirecteurducabinet:deGaulleregardedthecontinuedpresenceofUSforcesinGermanyasaprincipalstabilizingelementintheforeseeablefutureinfaceofaself-assertiveGermany.SeeBlaketoSecretaryofState,3April1969,inNSCFiles,Box674,FolderFrance,volI,NixonPresidentialLibrary,YorbaLinda,CA.30.See,forexample,HervéAlphand,Létonnementdêtre:Journal,1939 1973(Paris:Fayard,1977),p.379.31.SeeVaïsse,Lagrandeur,pp.377 379.32.SeeSchoenborn,Lamésententeapprivoisée,p.316;andKlaibertoAuswärtigeAmt,1February1968,in1968,Vol.1,p.147. Westtension;bothwantedtoseegreaterfreedomforEasternEurope;andbothapproved,inprinciple,oftheideaofareuniªedGermanstate.DidthetwocountriesdisagreeonanymajorEuropeanissue?ButwhatabouttheFrenchclaimthatthetwocountriesunderstoodtheconceptofdétentedifferently?WhenU.S.ofªcialstalkedaboutdétente,theargumentran,whattheywerereallyaimingatwasanewYalta.Thesortofdétentethesuperpowerswouldbringintobeingwouldsimplyfreezethestatusquo,whereasFrancesupposedlywantedtobringaboutaverydifferentsortofsystem.Andyet,asMarie-PierreReynotesinheressayinGlobalizingdeGaulle,deGaulleinfactfavoredthefreezingofexistingEuropeanbordersincludingtheborderbetweenthetwoGermanys.HejustdidnotwantaninstitutionalizedarrangementthatwouldprovidefortheformalrecognitionofthetwoGermanstatesaviewtheUnitedStatesshared.InpracticaltermsdeGaullewasmorethanwillingtolivewiththestatusquo,includingthestatusquoofadividedGermany.AshetoldtheSovietambassadorinJuly1963,Francesforeignpolicywasbased,likeMoscows,onthemaintenanceoftheexistingterritorialorder.Thatpointappliedinparticu-lartoGermany.DeGaulleinfactwasnotveryinterestedinGermanreuniªcation,exceptperhapsasaverydistantgoal:wewishthatitwillcomeaboutsomeday,butthatsabitliketheJewswhosaidfor1800yearsnextyearinJerusalem.ItmightbeaverylongtimebeforeGermanywasreuni-ªed,anddeGaullewasbynomeansupsetbytheprospectthatreuniªcationwouldgetdelayedindeªnitely. 90 Trachtenberg33.Thus,forexample,PresidentKennedyin1963couldnotseewherethedisagreementbetweentheUnitedStatesandFrancelay.Yes,inthepasttheUnitedStateshadopposedtheFrenchnuclearforce,butbythatpointithadcometoacceptFrancesnucleararsenalasareality,andonthecorepoliticalissuesbothcountriestookmuchthesameposition.TheFrenchforeignminister,MauriceCouvedeMurville,agreedthattheinterestsofthetwocountrieswereessentiallythesame,andthatonthegreatquestionofGermanythedifferenceshadtodowithtacticsratherthanwithanythingfundamental.SeeKennedy-Couvemeeting,25May1963,inForeignRelationsoftheUnitedStates,1963,Vol.13,pp.771 772(hereinafterreferredtoaswithappropriateyearandvolumenumbers);Kennedy-Couvemeeting,25May1963,inDDF,1963,Vol.2,p.355;Kennedy-Couvemeeting,7October1963,in1961 1963,Vol.13,pp.785 786;andKennedy-Couvemeeting,7October1963,inDDF,1963,Vol.2,p.357.DeGaullehimselfseemedtorecognizethisbasicpoint.NotehiscommentinameetingwithAmbassadorCharlesBohlenin1965:hedidnotthinkourdifferenceswerereallyverymuchamatterofprinciple.BohlentoStateDepartment,4May1965,in1964 1968,Vol.12,p.95.34.See,forexample,CouvetoFrenchambassadors,21January1965,inDDF,1965,Vol.1,p.84;anddeGaulle Erhardmeeting,12June1965,inDDF,1965,Vol.1,pp.727 728.Seealso,Martin,AGaullistGrandStrategy?,p.299.35.Marie-PierreRey,DeGaulle,FrenchDiplomacy,andFranco-SovietRelationsasSeenfromMoscow,inNuenlist,Locher,andMartin,eds.,GlobalizingdeGaulle,p.31.36.DeGaulle Vinogradovmeeting,12July1963,inDDF,1963,Vol.2,p.93.SeealsodeGaulle Zorinmeeting,5July1965,inDDF,1965,Vol.2,p.47.37.DeGaulle Mansªeldmeeting,19November1968,inDDF,1968,Vol.2,p.846.NotealsodeGaulle deMargeriemeeting,5June1963,inDDF,1963,Vol.1,p.597;anddeGaulle Scranton AsforthenotionthatdeGaullewantedamoredynamicpolicyaimedatovercomingtheColdWardivisionofEurope,thatclaim,too,hastobeassessedinthelightofthefactthathedidnotliketheideaofaGermanycutloosefromtheblocs.TheFrenchwerenothappywhentheGermansthemselvesbegantothinkinthoseterms.AndyetendingthedivisionofEuropemeantendingthedivisionofGermany,andtheSovietUnionobviouslywasnotjustgoingtohandoverEastGermanytoaWestGermanstatethatremainedpartofNATO.TheuniªcationofEurope,theovercomingofYalta,impliedtheendingoftheblocsystemthedissolutionofthealliances.Butitwasonethingtotalkaboutthiskindofoutcomeinaveryvagueandabstractway,assomethingthatmighthappeninthedistantfuture.Itwasquiteanothertogiveitrealoperationalcontent,whichwaswhatpeoplelikeBrandtandEgonBahrwantedtodoandtheFrenchwerenotatallpleasedwhenWestGermanthinkingand,afterDecember1966,WestGermanpolicystartedtomoveinthatdirection.Sowhatdoesthisallmean?Themainpoint,perhaps,isthatdeGaullespoliticalprogram,ashelaiditoutbothinpublicandinprivate,isnottobetakenatfacevalue,ifonlybecausethepiecesdonotquiteadduptoaclearandconsistentpolicy.Thatbasicpointhasmajorimplications.Foronething,giventhewayInowunderstanddeGaullespolicy,Iammuchmoresympa-thetictoAndrewMoravcsiksgeneralargumentabouttherolethateconomicconsiderationsplayedinshapingFrancesEuropeanpolicyinthatperiodthanIwaswhenItookpartinaJCWSforumrespondingtohisarticleondeGaulleadecadeago.Foriftherhetoricwasnottheexpressionofapowerful 91 ThedeGaulleProblemmeeting,20September1968,inDDF,1968,Vol.2,p.467.Onthisissue,seeesp.Schoenborn,mésententeapprivoisée,pp.289,315,319.38.SeeSchoenborn,Lamésententeapprivoisée,pp.183,359,371 372.FrenchconcernsaboutwhereGermanymightbegoingwerenotnew.In1963,forexample,theFrenchhadopposedtheKennedyadministrationsdétentepolicywiththeargumentthatitwouldspurtheWestGermanstoengageintheirowndialoguewiththeUSSR,whichmightwellleadtotheneutralizationofGermanyandthustotheneutralizationofallofWesternEuropeapredictionthatwastosomedegreeborneoutbysubsequentevents.SeeDeGaulle Dixonmeeting,17September1963,inDDF,1963,Vol.2,p.268;deGaulle Adenauermeeting,21September1963,inDDF,1963,Vol.2,pp.291 292;Rusk-Couvemeeting,7October1963,inDDF,1963,Vol.2,pp.367 368;andRusk-Couvemeeting,8October1963,inDDF,1963,Vol.2,p.381.Couvepointedoutinhis8October1963meetingwithRusk(p.381)thattheWestGermanSocialDemocrats(andtheFreeDemocrats)wereincreasinglyinclinedtodealdirectlywiththeUSSRsomethingCouveobviouslyviewedasquitedangerous.OntheBahrconceptBrandtsviewsweresomewhatmilder,orperhapsjustlessclearsee,forexample,AlexanderGallus,DieNeutralisten:VerfechtereinesvereintenDeutschlandszwischenOstundWest,1945 1990(Dusseldorf:Droste,2001),pp.296 308,esp.303;andAndreasVogtmeier,EgonBahrunddiedeutscheFrage:ZurEntwicklungdersozialdemokratischenOst-undDeutschlandpolitikvomKriegsendebiszurWiedervereinigung(Bonn:Dietz,1996),esp.pp.84 85,170n.ForFrenchviewsofBrandtevenintheperiodbeforeheenteredthegovernmentand,inparticular,Frenchconcernsabouttheneutralisttendencieshewastoacertainextentassociatedwith,seeCyrilBuffet,Rapportsurlhommeaupassécomplexe:WillyBrandtetlaFrance(1948 1966),inMöllerandVaïsse,eds.,WillyBrandtundFrankreich,esp.p.66.39.SeeMarcTrachtenberg,DeGaulle,Moravcsik,andEurope,JournalofColdWarStudies,Vol.2, andcoherentgeopoliticalconcept,especiallyafter1963,thenonecouldcertainlyarguethatitistobeunderstoodmainlyininstrumentalterms,andthatinparticularadesiretobeneªteconomicallyfromWestGermanyscommitmenttotheEuropeanidea,mostnotablyviatheCommonAgriculturalPolicy,wasoneofthemainconsiderationsthatcameintoplay.Butthatisessentiallyarationalistview,anditisonlyfairtopointoutthatIalsocameawayfromtheanalysiswithasensethatdeGaullespolicyisnottobeunderstoodinentirelyrationaltermsindeed,withthesensethatdeGaullewasincreasinglyoutoftouchwithpoliticalreality.Therhetoricseemedtotakeonalifeofitsown,andinthelastyearsofdeGaullespresidencyhislanguagebecamealittlewild.Hemadewhatwerewidelyviewedasanti-SemiticcommentsaftertheSix-DayMideastWarin1967.HewenttoMontrealthatsameyearandcalledforindependenceforQuebec.(IfIgo,hehadsaid,Iexpectitwillonlybetolightthepowderbarrel.)early1968hesaidthatonlythreepeoples[were]underforeignoppressiontodaytheFrenchinCanada,theArabsinIsrael,andtheTibetansinChina.TheQuebecoisweremoreoppressedthan,say,thePolesortheEsto-nians?Bohlen,theU.S.ambassadorinParis,wasappalledwhenheheardaboutdeGaullescomment:Really,theoldboyisgoingoffhisrocker.Andindeedsomeofthethingshewassayingduringthatperiodhisremark,forexample,thattheFRGwouldprobablyattacktheSovietUnionifthatcountrywenttowarwithChinadocomeacrossasalittlebizarre.Andyetitishardjusttoleaveitatthat.Despiteeverything,despiteallhisºawsandeccentricitieshisdadas,ashisclosestcollaboratorscalledthemwhenyoustudydeGaulleyoucannothelpbutfeelthattherewassomethingquiteextraordinaryhere,anintellectualélannotfoundinmanystatesmen.DeGaullewasagiant.Nooneshoulddisputethat.Butsometimesevengiantshavefeetofclay. 92 TrachtenbergNo.3(Fall2000),pp.101 116.ThiswasacommentonAndrewMoravcsik,DeGaullebetweenGrainandGrandeur:ThePoliticalEconomyofFrenchECPolicy,1958 1970(Part1),JournalofColdWarStudies,Vol.2,No.2(Spring2000),pp.3 43;andAndrewMoravcsik,DeGaullebetweenGrainandGrandeur:ThePoliticalEconomyofFrenchECPolicy,1958 1970(Part2),JournalofColdWarStudies,Vol.2,No.3(Fall2000),pp.4 68.40.QuotedinBernardLedwidge,DeGaulle(London:WeidenfeldandNicolson,1982),p.335.41.Diaryentryfor23January1968,inC.L.Sulzberger,AnAgeofMediocrity:MemoirsandDiaries,(NewYork:Macmillan,1973),p.404.SeealsoBohlentoStateDepartment,12July1967,in1964 1968,Vol.12,p.143;andBohlentoStateDepartment,27July1967,in1964 1968,Vol.12,p.145.42.SeealsohisremarkthattheFRGwouldprobablyattacktheSovietUnionifthatcountrywenttowarwithChina.DeGaulle Scrantonmeeting,20September1968,inDDF,1968,Vol.2,p.463.