usually in Whitehall and their audience was the royal family and their select guests diplomats courtiers and wealthy aristocrats The masques endthe critics ID: 119785
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The Audience of the Jacobean Masque,with a Reference to The TempestTheTempestleges of the people who constituted the masque audienceand highlightsKing Jamess reign the masque evolved into a theatrical presentation which usually in Whitehall, and their audience was the royal family and their se-lect guests: diplomats, courtiers and wealthy aristocrats. The masques end-the criticsattention until the beginning of the twentieth century. One obvi-The other reason for this marginalization of the genre was its low statusback as the glorious days of the masque. Bacon, for instance, who, on onethought ofmasques as nothing but toys.In the early twentieth century critics like Enid Welsford and Allardycelogical background of these works. The research of D. J. Gordon, StephenOrgel and Roy Strongpaved the way for theadvent of a new wave of crit-logical framework of these performances.The critical studies of the lastthem, Jonathan Goldberg, David Lindley, David Bevington, Peter Holbrook,Jersey and Martin Butler, to name some of the most prominent, haveconvincingly argued that the masque deserves more attention as it is a liter- 68Effie Botonaki 1.Bacon spent this amount for the production of the 2.See Bacon 117. make it (Butler, Early Stuart Court Culture 435). The latest criticalbeen written on the role of Queen Anne in the production of masques andThe Tempest.amination of this pseudo-masque allows us glimpses of Shakespeares opin-very theme. As I will argue in this paper, the attitude and practices of the au-veal these peoples overall attitude and practices in the real world. At thestatus of the masque and the declining ideology of monarchy. Thus, while The Audience of the Jacobean Masque, with a Reference to The Tempest69 3.See, for example, Hardin Aasand, To Blanch an Ethiop, and Revive a Corse:Queen Anne and SEL: Studies in English Literature. 32.2 (1992): 271-85; Suzanne Gossett, `Man-maid, begone!Women inEnglish LiteraryRenaissance18.1 (1988): 96-113; Kim F. Hall, SexualPower: Theatrical Discourse and PoliticsQueens MasqueSEL: Studies in English Literature 1500-35.2 (1995): 293-319; and Marion Wynne-Davies, The Queens Masquenaissance Women and the Seventeenth-Century Court Masque, Glorianas Face:, ed. S. P. Cerasano and Mar-ion Wynne-Davies (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1992), 79-104. 4.See, for instance, Bernadette Andrea, Black Skin, the Queens Masques: AfricanistAmbivalence and Feminine Author(ity) in the Masques of Blackness and Beauty,29.2 (1999 Spring): 246-81; William Over, Familiar-izing the Colonized in Ben Jonsons Masques, Partial Answers: Journal of Litera-ture and the History of Ideas2.2 (2004): 27-50; and Yumna Siddiqi, Dark Inconti-nents: The Discourse of Race and Gender in Three Renaissance Masques, shaky ground upon which the privileges of this audience were founded andmuch longer. Queen, Prince Henry, Prince Charles and Princess Elizabeth, the foreignsuch visits) and, last but not least, the extended world of courtiers andmembers of aristocratic families in favor with the court. The role of the royalfamily was not restricted to the conventional one of the viewer, but wasWhitehall as a theater. The masquers were usually royal favouritesbothmale and femalebut sometimes the chief masquers were Queen Anne,Prince Henry and, later on, Prince Charles. In other words, the royal audi-ence was at the same time co-author, co-director, producer, patron and play-er. Furthermore, the audience was also the theme of the play since the mainfocus of the masques in Jamess reignregardless of the occasion for whichmiraculous influence upon his subjects. And this glorifying image of thepresent comic or ugly figures, the anti-masquers. These would act in bizarreaway by the latter. The role of these ridiculous or disagreeable figures wastantly, to help build a contrast between themselves and the beautiful, honor-able and lofty masquers, that is, between the rowdy and low world of thecommoners and the orderly, thriving, almost divine world of the court. Notsurprisingly, while the masquers were strictly members of the court or theroyal family, the anti-masquers were professional actors. The latter were also 70Effie Botonaki masquers were mute. There is evidence that, on some occasions, these roleswere played by Shakespeares company, the Kings Men,doubt, sometimes, by the bard himself. The fact that, in all likelihood,Shakespeare was sometimes an anti-masquer, enabled him to have gooda patent according to which Shakespeares company came under his patron-age and was named the Kings Men. From 1603 to 1613 the Kings Menbeths reign (Kernan xvi). As for the years between Jamess enthronementand Shakespeares death, the Kings Men provided 177 of the 299 plays per-100 masques were produced in the reign of the Stuarts, though many ofthem are now lost (Ferris 67; Styan 187-97).pleased the Kings Privy Council, the highest executive body in the govern-ment. Acontemporary account of the affair records that a few days before thethe cost and the pregnant Queens performance in it), but eventually itwould not . . . have the masque abandoned, for though a saving of £4,000would follow, yet the change would be more pernicious than the expense of(Harrison 171-72). The above comment points to the function of the masquedors, who were often the intended audience of such masques. When in 1608 The Audience of the Jacobean Masque, with a Reference to The Tempest71 5.The Kings Men participated, for example, in JonsonsLove RestoredGolden Age Restored Jonsons was performed at court, Ambassador Guistini-Queenwho was again a key masquer in itas a kind of sequel to Masque of Blackness(Welsford 180). The ambassadors description provessadors had of the English court: the splendour of the spectacle . . . was wor-thy of her Majestys greatness. The apparatus and the cunning of the stageher Ladies, so abundant and splendid that in everyones opinion no othercourt could have displayed such pomp and riches (qtd. in Bishop 100).When two or more ambassadors were in town, it was a matter of seriousthe Kings foreign policy.During the performance of masques the King and his guests were sit-the State; furthermore, the King was sitting on a throne. The space be-ing the dancing space and the platform where the King sat. Where the mem-and their position in his court. On the other hand, the Kings strategic posi-tioning underlined his authority, as he was at once the most privileged view-er and the center of the audiences attention: it was him that the audiencehad almost directly in their sight, not the stage and its actors. This placementnot but remind us of Jamess acute awareness that his position as a King was 72Effie Botonaki by the beholders. In Jonsons hired and borrowed all the principal jewels and ropes of perle in court and citty. Thecomments on the masque in Jonsons 7.For contemporary reports and comments on this issue, see Carleton 54-55 and Har- of an audiencehis subjects: Aking is as one set on a stage, whose small-Basilikon Doroncisely the same but, as we shall see, it was far richer in meaning. literally since, no matter what the official theme of the masque was, itsunderlying theme was the monarchs divine power and status. Apart fromKing, very often both masquers and anti-masquers addressed him directly orJonsons (1616), for instance, a group of half-naked, vulgar,the King had the power to transform and reform his subjects, without evenputting any effort: And all get vigour, youth, and spright,/ That are butlookd on by his light (qtd. in Limon 183). In some masques, the Kingwould also accept symbolic gifts offered to him by the masquers, thus beingturned into an active member of the performance, an actor himself. And thatThe Kings arrival, presence and departure constituted a play within aplay, a royal show of authority, wealth and artistic intelligence. As arguedresence in these performances. As Dudley Carleton noted in describing howthe first Christmas of Jamess reign passed at court, The first holy days wetraordinary pleasure in them. The queen and prince were more the playersly enjoyed to be repeated (Limon 29). The King would not think inappropri-Pleasure Reconciled The Audience of the Jacobean Masque, with a Reference to The Tempest73 8.Quoted in Kernan 19. to VirtueCharles, James was so bored and disappointed at the dancing of some mas-quers that he attacked them verbally; Orazio Busino, chaplain to the Venet-ian ambassador, records that the King, who is naturally choleric, got impa-tient and shouted aloud Why dont they dance? What did they make me comehere for? Devil take you all, dance (qtd. in Welsford 207). The unpleasantMajestys favourite, who, Upon this . . . immediately sprang forward, cut-admiration and delight of every body . . . (qtd. in Welsford 207). Instanceslike the above, on the one hand emphasized Jamess position as an absoluteruler, but on the other hand put to question the image of the wise monarchweaknesses of the King that made him increasingly unpopular.and projected upontheir own exclusive audience was also due to the disor-losses there were of chains, jewels, purses, and suchlike loose ware,and one woman amongst the rest lost her honesty, for which she wascarried to the porters lodge, being surprised at her business on the topJonsons Pleasure Reconciled to VirtueirtueKing] had glanced all round the table he departed, and forthwith the partiesconcerned pounced upon the prey like so many harpies. . . . [A]t the first as- 74Effie Botonaki cisely of a severe hail storm at Midsummer smashing the window glass. Thereturned home (qtd. in Welsford 207). What happened within Whitehall when masques, plays and other enter-tainments took place was not knowledge restricted to the elite guests. Thetions regarding their scenery, costumes and the actual performance, lettingThe fact that inthese performances the King was often surrounded by ambitious courtiers ofwasting the kingdoms wealth gave his enemies good grounds to regard himAt Royston and NewmarketBut he hath merry boysThat with masques and toysCan make him fat again. (Thomson 176) Thus, in the eyes of many, the royal masques were not symbolsof the courtsJames was not the only target in relation to the excesses associated withmasques. Another popular target was his Queen, who was not only the sec-quer but also a key figure in the production of these spectacles. Queen Anneto perform which part. The Queen made her inventiveness and active spiritapparent right from the first year of Jamess reign in commissioning the firstChristmas masque, Samuel Daniels The Vision of the Twelve GoddessesThe Queens plans had set the court in motion several weeks before themasques performance, on January 8, 1604, at Hampton Court. Anne obvi- The Audience of the Jacobean Masque, with a Reference to The Tempest75 The Vision of the Twelve Goddesses10.On this issue, see also Norbrook 102. Queen Elizabeths gowns. As Lady Arbella Stuart wrote on December 18,my Lady Suffolk and my Lady Walshingham have warrants to take of thelate Queenes best apparel out of the Tower at theyr discretion (197). Dud-ed, not without humor, was the outfit of the Queen, who was playing the partof Pallas: the lady masquersattire was alike, loose mantles and petticoats,but of different colors. . . . Their heads by their dressing did only distinguishthe difference of the goddesses they did represent. Only Pallas had a trick byJonsons Masque of Blacknessand it was her Majestys will, as Jonson explained in the introduction towhether Anne had taken this idea from Shakespeare, whose been performed at court just a few months earlier, in the fall of 1604. Anneand her favourite court ladies appeared as the daughters of Niger, who hadgone to England to be turned white by Neptunes son, James I. The Kingwas presented as a sun . . . Whose beams shine day and night, and are offorce To blanch an Ethiop and revive a corse (6). The Queen was not in-months pregnant. Several of the select guests, however, disapproved too ofparel rich, but too light and courtesanlike. Their black faces and hands,I am sorry that strangers should see our court so strangely disguised (68).than a troop of lean-cheeked Moors (qtd. in Welsford 178). Another spec-tator, however, treated the odd appearance of the Queen and her ladies withhumor, remarking that the Spanish ambassador took out the Queen to danceand did not forget to kiss her hand, though there was danger that it wouldCritics nowadays assume that Annes occasional movement from the 76Effie Botonaki member of the audience into a key performer, together with her direct in-was thus putting herself at the center of the spectacle and the audiencesFurthermore, critics believe that Anne used masques to prochoosing not only the masquers who would appear in them but even whatAnnes involvement in court entertainments seemed to havecles. Lady Anne Clifford, a staunch royalist, a Lady close to the court, aher diary in 1619: Now there was much talk of a Mask which the Queenhad at Winchester, & how all the Ladies about the Court had gotten such illAnnes appearance as a chief masquer may have annoyed many of herdience that became a masquer. Henry VIII was the first English monarchwho took part in a masque in 1512. The king with eleven others appeared, where the masked King takes out Ann Bo-ment: Once the sovereign became an actor, the entertainment . . . had to bedesigned around her, not directed at her. . . . Elizabethan entertainmentsdrama and audience dissolved (Cooper 140). This dissolution of the bound-masques. Ones physical proximity to the King signified his favorable posi- The Audience of the Jacobean Masque, with a Reference to The Tempest77 12.For a discussion of this issue, see Barroll. 13.For more information on the appearance of English monarchs in masques, seeStephen Orgel, The Monarch as Masquer, (New York: Co- plains why the female members of the audience would take off their masksaters. The female masque-goers wanted their presence to be registered bywas commendable and envied. The presence of the social elite on these oc-casions gave them the opportunity to socialize, show off their wealth andpublic relations and, of course, revelry, though always under the supervisionof the monarch. As we have seen above, the latter was playing the role of thesubjects/guests ought to feel gratitude for and honor. In this respect, theand government. . . . The court masque . . . is a political event; it is kingshipthe audiences seats during the performance of masques promoted the ideacourtly audience to feel as part of the spectacle. This was reinforced by thetween players and audience. As Arthur F. Kinney has noted, by merging themasquer with the spectator, masques effectively transform the courtly audi-ence into the idealized world of the poets controlling vision, another way inspoke their status and that were appropriate for these special events. Theirration and respect for him or simply fearful of his power, they performed theKing and who, in return for their loyalty and submission, receive his hospi-tality and favor. In this respect, when hosting masques, the Banqueting 78Effie Botonaki simultaneously two spectacles of the same theme: the affirmation of themonarchs authority and its sanctioning by his aristocratic subjects was thetus as well as advanced educational level and artistic intelligence. This gave37). Samuel Daniel, too, was full of praisethe commoners who would appear in antimasques. In his ethysFestivalshows this is to be noted, that there were none of dignity. . . . The introducing of pages with torches might have added moreplendour, but yet they would have pesteredsis). In Daniels mind, the presence of the inferior sort in the masqueonly for great personages, just like most positions of authority. Critics have underlined the difference between the Elizabethan pro-in the impervious walls of Whitehall. The former sustained the myth of aunified. . . feudal society (Chibnall 81), whereas the latter exposed thewidening gap between the upper and the lower classes. The distance be-ly enough, one of the masques written in Jamess reign turns this issue intoone of its themes. In Jonsons Love Restored(1612), Robin Goodfellow,watch a masque. He resorts to all sorts of tricks and disguises, most of whichfail, and he is repeatedly turned away with verbal or physical abuse and scorn.humor and this is meant to cause the audiences laughter. The Tempest79 a procession through the city. This was the case with George Chapmansizabeth to Frederick, Elector of Palatine in 1613. This masque was com-missioned and paid for by the Inns of Court; it involved an impressiveand most showful attendants (74). Thehorses were richly decorated: Their horse, for rich show, equalled the mas-quers themselves, ornamental jewels. . . (76). Thus, on such occasions the wider public became for a while part ofTheTempest The Tem-The Tempestwas one of the fourteentions for the wedding of King Jamess daughter. It is intriguing that althoughShakespeare was by that time a success-wrote masques. The closest thing to a masque that he ever wrote was thisThe Tempestmasque problematic and have gone so far as to argue that it may have notbeen written by Shakespeare but by a fellow playwright and that it was notspeares play capitalizes on public sentiment about the wedding. It offersa wedding masque for those many persons who were not invited to the . . .costly, one-time masques staged at court. . . . It gives the nation as a wholetions of such a union (Bevington, The Tempest 80Effie Botonaki The Tenpest lasted on the popular stage, Shakespeares non-aristocraticauthority over their subjects and family, fathers who arranged the mar-offspring, and patrons who commissioned masques for thecelebration of such events; finally, neither James nor Prospero were merepero orders the beginning of the masque by addressing both Ariel, who isco-director and masquer, and the affianced couple, who are the exclusiveaudience; and, through the latter, he extends his orders to Shakespeares au-Now come, my Ariel! Bring a corollaryRather than want a spirit. Appear, and pertly.[To Prosperos response makes clear that the masque has been devised by forward; in this respect, Prospero is at once its author and director, and, likeHarmonious charmingly. May I be boldPROSPERO Spirits, which by mine artMy present fancies. The Audience of the Jacobean Masque, with a Reference to The Tempest81 14.Textual quotes are taken from The TempestThe Norton Shakespeare 6 Sweet now, silence.Juno and Ceres whisper seriously.Theres something else to do. Hush, and be mute,Or else our spell is marred. (4.1.118-22, 124-27)poses, to end the masque, and he does so abruptly and without any justifi-cation. Having suddenly remembered that he has to deal with Calibans con-spiracy, he demands the departure of all except Ariel, who is going to helphim defeat his enemy. First, he dismisses the masquers, Well done! Avoid;son-in-law. Seeing that the latter is troubled at this sudden ending, he triesrevels now are ended. . . . Bear with my weakness. . . . If you be pleased, re-tire into my cell,/ And there repose . . . (4.1.148-62). Like James, Prosperonot only has a say in when the revels will come to an end, but he also findsit fit to suggest what his guests should do next. What speares critics, but, no doubt, several of his audiences too. The audiencesThe Tempestin the public theaters from Shakespeares time to the pres-ent have most probably shared Mirandas and Ferdinands bewilderment; toShakespeare and the court audience, however, it must have been intelligible,or even ordinary. Prospero, like James, behaves as a typical ruler who firm-ly believes that he governs by divine right and has thus absolute authority.He does not have to explain his fancies to anyone; he can order Ariel, hisexpects his plans to materialize. As a frequent visitor to the court for the per-As a frequent visitor to the court for the per-(Tempest4.1.41).He must have repeatedly witnessed the chaotic circumstances of many roy-al entertainments and the ridiculous image of the court they inevitablystaged even for their select, Crown-friendly audience. From this point ofview, it would not, I think, be unreasonable to assume that the commentsShakespeares low, if not scornful, opinion of these grand spectacles and 82Effie Botonaki 15.This is how the Puritan Plutus characterizes masques in Jonsons Love Restored are sooner or later melted into air, into thin air (4.1.150); the breathtaking,costly scenery of Inigo Jones, The cloud-capped towers, the gorgeouspalaces,/ The solemn temples, the great globe itself . . . shall dissolve andThe masques of Shakespeares time were sumptuous spectacles in thesuch. Whether they actually managed to advance the fame and status of themonarch in the eyes of his subjects is open to question. What there is nodoubt about is what they reveal in terms of their audiences perception of it-self. The royal family and the chosen few who would be invited to the courtside by side with the main masquers. This inferior sort was only fit topart of an anti-masquer, he had no choice but to appear as a ridiculous orquers. In the brief masque he himself produced, however, he broke two ma-(the nymphs) and share the same stage with Ceres, Iris and Juno. Secondly,the masque ends not with revelling and rejoicing but with Prosperos darkthoughts and fears. The majestic, harmonious spectacle (4.1.118, 119)staged upon Prosperos orders does not help him forget his problems, nordoes it help him solve them. The supreme ruler breaks it off distempered,the chief member of the audience in Shakespeares masque highlights theThe masque will officially die on the scaffold together with Charles I inquer, and he will die as a chief masquer too, on a raised platform outsidethe windows of the Banqueting House. By that time the courtly masque au-even ousted by the inferior sort. The executioner/anti-masquer will notonly appear on the stage together with a chief-masquer, as in Prosperos The Audience of the Jacobean Masque, with a Reference to The Tempest83 a play and the fate of their country.GreeceBacon, Francis. Press, 1985. 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