Max Weber (1925) “The Distribution of Power within

Weber’s four types of social action Nonrational Rational Individual Collective A
C
T
I
O
N ORDER Affective action

Traditional action

Value-rational action



Instrumental-rational action 4<br>

Verstehen: interpretive understanding Weber defined sociology as a “science which attempts the interpretive understanding of social action in order thereby to arrive at a causal explanation of its course and effect”

Unlike Marx and Durkheim, who sought to uncover universal laws applicable to all societies, Weber attends to the production of meaningful behavior as it is grounded within a specific historical context
seeks to understand the culturally-patterned states of mind or motivations that guide individuals’ behavior 5<br>

Ideal type The ideal type is analytical construct, a means to do social research
A tool that aids description and explanation
 Ideal type is derived from empirical observation, but it’s an abstraction
The combination of elements which although found in reality, are rarely found in this specific form
It's not "ideal" in the normative sense, but in the sense that this combination of elements is not found in reality in this pure form
e.g., an ideal type of "criminal,” “monopoly,” or “plutocracy” 6<br>

Ideal types of social action traditional: actions controlled by tradition or deeply rooted habits, "the way it's always been done"
affective: actions determined by the actor's specific affections and emotional state
value-rational: actions that are determined by a conscious belief in the inherent – ethical, esthetic, religious, etc. – value of a type of behavior, regardless of its effects
instrumental-rational: actions that are carried out to achieve a certain goal; the actor calculates which actions will lead in the best and most effective manner to the goal that's been set 7<br>

“Class” is conceptualized in different ways The practice of people locating themselves within a class structure – rather than being “assigned” to classes based on particular relations or attributes, such as wealth or occupation – is often called “subjective class identification”
Survey methods typically rely on this conceptualization of class
Marx based his concept of class on the social relations of production, property ownership
Weber’s conceptualization is based more broadly on “market situation” 8<br>

Fewer Americans identify as middle class 9 According to a recent nationally representative Pew Research Center/USA TODAY survey of 1,504 adults conducted Jan. 15-19, 2014 the share of Americans who identify with the middle class has never been lower, dropping  to 44% from 53% in 2008 during the first months of the Great Recession.<br>

Class, status and party Classes, status groups, and parties are phenomena of the distribution of power within a community
power: the chance of a man or of a number of men to realize their own will in a social action even against the resistance of others 10<br>

A. Economically determined power and the status order The structure of every legal order directly influences the distribution of power, economic or otherwise, within its respective community

Economically conditioned power is not identical with power as such
Economic power may be the result of power on other grounds
People do not strive for power only to enrich economically
Power may be valued for its own sake
Striving for power often is conditioned by social honor, but not all power entails social honor, e.g., the “typical American Boss,” the “typical big speculator” 11<br>

B. Determination of class situation by market situation Class is economically determined but refers broadly to market situation
“Property” and “lack of property” is the basic division
Property owners divide into: rentiers and entrepreneurs
rentier: an archaic word for asset owners or creditors, i.e., individuals who gain income from assets (interest, rent, dividends, or capital gains) rather than labor
Propertyless divide into: unskilled workers, skilled laborers, professionals, etc.
Class refers to "similarity of life chances" as determined by "economic interests in the possession of goods and opportunities for income" under the conditions of the commodity or labor markets 12<br>

C. Social action flowing from class interest The emergence of an association or even of mere social action from a common class situation is by no means a universal phenomenon
Often merely amorphous social action emerges (e.g., “grumbling”)

For “class action,” the contrast of life chances must be distinctly recognizable and seen as resulting from either
the given distribution of property (seen in urban centers of Antiquity and the Middle Ages) or
the structure of the concrete economic order (seen in the class situation of the modern proletariat) 13<br>

D. Types of class struggle A class does not in itself constitute a group
Social action that brings forth class situations is not basically action among members of the identical class; it is an action among members of different classes
Weber described the changing nature of class struggle through the late 19th century as shifting from the issue of credit, to struggles in the commodity market (exchange) to wage disputes on the labor market (production), and claimed “Today the central issue is the determination of the price of labor.”
What about 2014? 14<br>

Market situation: the rise of creditors “The creditor-debtor relation becomes the basis of ‘class situations’ first in the cities” where credit markets are located and concentrated in the hands of a “plutocracy.” “Therewith, ‘class struggles’ begin.” (194)
Some claim such a situation exists today:
“Wage conflict was the great strife of the industrial era, but the struggle over debt is shaping up to be the frontline conflict of the years to come. Not because wage conflict is over (it never will be) but because debts, for most people, are the wages of the future, to which creditors lay claim far in advance. Each new surrender of a part of our lives to private debt-financing further consumes the fruit of labor we have not yet performed, in the form of compensation we have not yet earned. That is why, to put it bluntly, many household debts are a thinly disguised form of wage theft.” (Andrew Ross, Guardian, 3/4/2014) 15<br>

The latest Quarterly Release on Household Debt and Credit from the Federal Reserve shows 2 notable trends: 1) the amount of consumer debt is declining, but delinquency rates are stabilizing above what they were pre-crisis; 2) the number of people subject to 3rd party collections has doubled since 2000. Ten years ago, 1 in 14 Americans were pursued by debt collectors.  Today it’s 1 in 7. 16<br>

E. Status honor Status situation is determined by social estimation of honor, which may be connected with any quality shared by a plurality and, of course, it can be connected to a class situation
In contrast to classes status groups are usually “groups” but are often amorphous
Class distinctions are linked in varied ways with status distinctions
Status is stratification according to principles of consumption of goods and services, i.e., "lifestyle" 17<br>

F. Ethnic segregation and caste Status groups can evolve into closed castes
Status distinctions are then guaranteed not merely by conventions and laws, but also by religious sanctions
this generally happens only when underlying differences are said to be "ethnic"
Ethnic segregation grown into a caste transforms the horizontal and unconnected coexistences of ethnically segregated groups into a vertical social system of domination and subordination
Ethnic communities are based on a belief of commonality rather than any objective “racial differences”
The relationship between ethnicity/race and social status is variable 18<br>

G. Status privileges Stratification by status goes hand in hand with a monopolization of ideal and material goods or opportunities
Material monopolies provide the most effective motives for the exclusiveness of a status
Physical labor generally disqualifies one from membership in the most privileged status groups
Weber: “This disqualification is now setting in in America against the old tradition of esteem for labor.”
Often economic pursuits, especially entrepreneurial activity, is seen as a debasement of status 19<br>

H. Economic conditions and effects of stratification "With some oversimplification, one might say that classes are stratified according to their relations to the production and acquisition of goods; whereas status groups are stratified according to the principles of their consumption of goods as represented by special styles of life." (200)
The general effect of the status order is "the hindrance of the free development of the market"
"Therefore, everywhere some status groups and usually the most influential, consider almost any kind of overt participation in economic acquisition as absolutely stigmatizing" e.g., the parvenu or nouveau riche 20<br>

I. Parties Whereas classes are within economic order, status groups within the social order, "parties reside in the sphere of power"
Compared with class and status groups, party-oriented social action always involves association directed toward a goal, which is striven for in a planned manner
The goal may be a cause or may be personal
Parties are only possible in groups with an associated character, i.e., some form of rational order and a staff of persons available to enforce it
Parties need not be based on purely class nor status
Parties differ according to whether or not the community is stratified by status or by class, above all, according to the structure of authority 21<br>