Interrogating Race Class Gender And Capitalism Along The U S Mexico Border Neoliberal Nativism And Maquila Modes Of Production excerpts Theoretical themes Late ID: 252286
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Slide1
Ronald L. Mize 2008,
Interrogating Race
,
Class
,
Gender And Capitalism Along The U
.
S
.-
Mexico Border
:
Neoliberal Nativism And
Maquila
Modes Of
Production. (excerpts)
Slide2
Theoretical themes:
Late
capitalism and neoliberal development projects
in US and Mexico
US policies: "
neoliberal nativism
.”
border
militarization, border crossings and citizenship, maquiladora circuits of
production
Industrial production on the border did not improve Mexico’s development
Deepened gendered
, raced, and classed
US-Mexican
labour
relations
US nativism has intensified the border security and militarization between Mexico US consider Mexicans as criminal “illegal aliens” Slide3
NAFTA’s impact:
Labor process of U.S. distribution centers and the circuit of commodities in a post-NAFTA era:
In the
Maquila
workplace Mexican women are
racialized
.
Mexican
women as disposable
bodies:
1993 -2005:
300 Mexican
women
were brutally murderedSlide4
IMF’s impact: Ravages
of neoliberal restructuring
fall on the
residents who reside in nations subject to free trade agreements, structural adjustment and austerity
programs
How do race, class, and gender articulate within capitalist social relations ?
How does neoliberalism shape lived experiences along the U.S.-Mexico border, and its articulation with nativism?
(three years of ethnographic research (from 1998-2001) in San Diego, California and its twin sister city of Tijuana, Baja California )Slide5
Militarization
and Mexican criminalization and construction as 'aliens'
describes
the economic linkages
in the border industrialization patterns
This view ensures production
and distribution of
maquila
assembled products.
“Neoliberal
nativism"
shows how
the free flow of commodities is eased in the era of NAFTA while the flow of people is
restricted
.Slide6
Nativism in US:
Military
doctrine of low-intensity conflict (LIC) has been applied by the U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Service to 'defend' the southern
US border
e.g.: Patrolling of
the border (helicopters, night-vision equipment, electronic intrusion-detection ground sensors), operational tactics and strategies of border enforcement (combining police, military, and paramilitary forces
)
Overall
aim of social control of a targeted civilian population all embody
the LIC doctrine that the U.S. military operated in Vietnam, Somalia, Libya, Kuwait, Panama, Iraq, and Grenada.
Slide7
CRIMINALIZATION OF "ILLEGAL
ALIENS”:
Paramilitary
and hyper-militarized situation along the U.S.-Mexico border
intensified by citizen's
militias
that claim to defender "
America."
Slide8
DISPOSABLE LABOR AND ENGENDERING BORDER WORK IN
MAQUILADORAS
Maquiladora
assembly
plants: Mexican
state's 1965 Border Industrialization
Program
created a free trade border zone where U.S. companies
set
up assembly plants most often in Mexican state-financed industrial parks. Slide9
These plants encouraged Mexico’s internal
migrants to permanently settle in these cities.
By
1969, U.S. corporations such as RCA, Motorola, Hughes Aircraft, Litton, General Electric, and other built 72 assembly plants.
Before NAFTA: 1992 :2080
plants,
with a
half million workers.
2007: 5000
plants,
with one
million workers,
maquila
labor in the 13 years since NAFTA was ratified.Slide10
Racialization
of free-trade development
strategies:
Mexicans who benefit as managers or as owners from neoliberalism are
European or
blancos
, whereas
At the bottom of the workforce are
maquila
operatives
who are mestizo
and indigenous
With
a federal minimum wage of US$5 per day, the Mexican state has
entered
into
NAFTA to
provide the cheap assembly labor and export agricultural commodities
NAFTA
facilitates the movement of people due to the increased emphasis on export agriculture in particularly southern Mexico
.
For
U.S. and increasingly Japanese and other multinational corporations using the maquiladoras as the main source of cheap labor, assembly plants were established and expanded to capitalize on the labor of predominately Mexican women
Slide11
Maquilas
Del Norte: Distribution Centers and The
Nafta
Circuit Of Commodities
U.S
. border region was touted as the growth corridor of the post-NAFTA trade and distribution economy
Female
workers in a
Tecate
, Mexico maquiladora
work
for approximately eight dollars per day (10 hours per day, 6 days a week) to assemble
school supplies
products.
In the distribution center, workers were sporadically employed and paid just above minimum wage with no fringe benefits.
In
the post-NAFTA era, the border region
is
favoured
for a
circuit of commodities that crisscrosses the border to maximize profits by reducing labor and duties costs Slide12
Unions and Teamsters:
Top
-down hierarchies reproduce the racialization of class relationships (regardless of whether the culprits are growers, capitalists, or labor elites
Slide13
The
Mexican-American
labour
contractor
in charge of the work crew,
berated workers using Spanish
explicative
to
ensure that his workers, or "
pendejos
estupidos
," would not make the same mistake again. Slide14
The managers were all male. Their secretaries as well as receptionists, order takers, and customer service agents were female. In the warehouse, all of the workers were male
.
Mexicans as lazy or stupid and thus deserving of $5 per day,
Mexican
women as easily controlled by male managers
.
Militarization
of the border and the lack of respect for
maquila
laborers leads to the callous view towards Mexican bodies as disposable. This marginalization can often serve as the basis for resistance
.
Slide15