Indigenous Education and Knowlegde – a de-legitimised Concept in - PDF document

Indigenous Education and Knowlegde – a de-legitimised Concept in the Eudcation for All Strategies Annette Kanstrup-Jensen DEVELOPMENT RESEARCH SERIES RESEARCH CENTER ON DEVELOPMENT AND INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS (DIR) WORKING PAPER NO. 136 INSTITUTE FOR HISTORY, INTERNATIONA 2006 Anette Kanstrup-Jensen DIR - Research Center on Devel Department of History, International and Social Studies, Aalborg University Development Research Series Working Paper No. 136 ISSN 0904-8154 Published by DIR & Institute for History, International and Social Studies Aalborg University Distribution http://www.ihis.aau.dk/development/working_papers/dir_working_papers.html Booklet can be purchased at cirka@ihis.aau.dk Lay-out and word processing Cirkeline Kappel The Secretariat Research Center on Development and International Relations Fibigerstraede 2, room 99 Aalborg University DK-9220 Aalborg East Denmark Tel. + 45 9635 8310 Fax. + 45 9815 3298 E-mail: cirka@ihis.aau.dk Homepage: http://www.ihis.aau.dk/development Indigenous 1 Education and Knowledge - a de-legitimised Concept in the “Education for All” Strategies Annette Kanstrup-Jensen 2 “We’re told our old ways and our (Khun Wibun Khemchaloem cited in Human Development ReUNDP 2003: 6). Introduction In this paper the attempt is made to emphasize the differences between cepts and the Western imposed cultural ethnocentrism in the South East Asian Region. It is my hope that the discussions ts engaged in development action plans presented in the “Education dominates in the development discourse. These conferences are important as seem to be the main b a purely academic discussion, as the West has the institutional power to impose its hegemony in theory and practice. This notwithstanding, a new discourse is emerging within the research community 1 2 3 The author has worked as education advisor in the region for 3 years as well as the paper builds on the empirical data collected in connection with her PhD dissertation. 1 ms of indigenous communities in the Background The empirical research in connection with my PhD dissertation among ethnic groups in South East Asia has demonstrateducational thought and practices are rooted in the Western modernisation tradition, and this educational imperialism is also reflected in the majority-minority power relationship in most developing countries. Many international organisations and researchers as well as local governments and administrators adhere to the paradigm that tends to 4 conceptualised, whereas many alternative educational systems especially found in the Third World are de-legitimised and deemed inappropriate in the national ng for life” process that is not confined to a schoolroom and a fixed curriculum, indigenous community is to integrate the individual into her/his society. This dichotomy between Western originated paradigms and indigenous epistemology ng capability formation of indigenous communities. Among the central human capabilities that peHowever, the plethora of declarations on different kinds of rights has left some questioof the declarations have assumed that all people share the same beliefs about learning and education, but justification of the right to education. Another unsolved problem is that there is no universal definition of the meaning of educationCultural Rights and the Rights of Indigenous Peoples declare that the indigenous control their educational systems “in a manner appropriate to their cultural metthe most significant differences betweeis the change in vocabulary: “educatiremains though, whether this change of terminology has resolved the conceptual conflict and the lack of recognition of indigenous educational philosophy? Recognition of indigenous learning practices does not contest the objective of the eradication of illiteracy per se, nor definition do not want to be part of a mode 4 After the economic ascent of Japan, the ‘West’ might no longer be the proper term, but Serge Latouche states: “In contemporary geopolitics the ‘Western world refers to the triangle containing the northern hemisphere: Western Europe, Japan and the United States” (Latouche 1996: 27). It might be appropriate to add Australia and New Zealand. 2 paradigms that are nurtured in conformity with Western norms and professional partiality. The paradigms are reflections of the worldview of the world’s economic powers. It can be argued that to comply with practitioners to a greater extent should be in learning” (Chambers 1994: 201), to begin listening to the “voiceless” and thus not be reluctant to challenge their Western concept. The Constituents of Indigenous Learning Studies within academic disciplinessubstantiated that education among indigenous peoples throughout the world is very similar ture and pedagogy. Indigenous education is an integral, valupeople’s lives that has helped them to the all-encompassing nature of indigenous genous practices] que les enfants apprenaient les techniques de défense et de survie, les moeurs et les normes sociales, ainsi que leur histoire et leur culture (myths, chants, danses, légendes etc.)” 5 (Rovillos 2000: 159). individual for full membership in the particular community. Ocitti agrees when the humanisation of man in society” “womb-to-tomb” learning encompasses both a vertical time cycle and a horizontal space learning process. The diagrams below are schematic outlines of the way some Hmong and Akha grcommas to illustrate that the Hmong and Akha are not physically injured as is the case in some other indigenous cultures when they pass from one stage to 5 The author’s translation: “It is thanks to these [the learning practices] that the child learned the survival techniques, the customs and the social norms as well as their history and culture (myths, songs, dances 3 The Vertical Time Cycle: The gender specific skills and moral values are taught according to the person’s age and community responsibilities. ning indigenous peoples can be said to undergo an organised horizontal space person’s age, a parallel learning takes place within the family, other community members as well as from other communities. (Ancestral lines refer to the knowledge of the clan history, and the community laws refer to the customary community). The horizontal space learning process: Near/ extended family Community: Wider society: - basic skills - community living - additional skills (e.g. - ancestral lines - community laws and knowledge - ceremonies 4 Education in the family for the child encompasses the practical work following During ceremonies the elders make the the elders’ [people over 40] role in teaching as well as it promotes close contcommunities” 6 villagers also appreciate learning from the wider society. Besides the learning by observing and imitating other people from within and outside the community, myths,songs and games (very often in connection with of learning. The gender-specific games children play all serve as preparation to their future roles in the community. Thus the “womb-to-tomb” learning is essential for the maintenance of the community, ( spiritual coherence : the religious (cultural) belief in and worship of economic survival environment and hence the political climate organisation and respected leadership, and finally moral integrity al harmony). The person who is “initiated” into her/his new status is taught by different members of the community in different subjects, which gives the members of the community educational roles throughout their lives. In essence indigenous education/learning is a question of acquiring the competences that are in accordance with organisation. education that has been transferred from modernising society. Has Indigenous Education become Obsolete in a Modern(ising) Society? The estimated number of indigenous peoples in the world varies from 300 to 600 million and it seems worthwhile to dipractices have become obsolete. similarities between the world’s indigenousare interregional differences in the status of indigenous education. Furthermore among African scholars could be considered as outdated, it offers an interesting view on the topic and that might One school of thought claims that there are serious inherent deficiencies in y the nature of indigenous education is 6 Data collected in Pa Daeng village 2001, Chiang Mai Province, Thailand by Mrs. Chutima Morlaeku. 5 seen as a hindrance to overcoming poverty that modern education in this opinion is more capable of addressing (Mushi 1989: 88). Among the most significant arguments on the shortcomings of indigenous 1. The learning is confined to one’s particular clan or tribe with emphasis on specific and immediate relevance. The exchange of experiences with other which might have contributed to a for poverty, and thereby suggestions for solutions. 2. phenomena, thereby curbing the learner’s innate curiosity and her/his suggestions of e.g. how to overcome the evil (Ibid., p. 89). 3. process, African indigenous education is criticised for placing too much importance on the acquisition of concrete learning skills at the expense of intellectual nurturing which prevents the learner from imagining alternatives, e.g. diseases and famine did not originate from the Gods but might have other causes (Ibid., p. 89). 4. Mushi also maintains that indigenous education promotes gender inequality. The female relatives tehousehold matters which perpetuates women’s situation in these patriarchal communities (Ibid., p. 91). The major deficiency highlighted by Mushi is that the learners are not use Freire’s phraseology, the young people to gender inequality. According to thisnot contain the dynamism necessary for change. As a general comment to Mushi’s viewpoint, Brennan argues that before planning development projects in a multicultural context one must keep in mind that many rural development programmes if the reason could be “…because the methods of implementation were ‘Western’ and indigenous practices and learning were ignored? Or is it possible that, if the mpletely re-cast or perhaps not even implemented?” (Brennan 1990: 76). Thus according to Brennan one cannot reject 6 inadequate for a dynamic transformation process; it might turn out to be a “two-way street” (Ibid., p. 75). by Mushi, Brennan has the following comments: (1) With regard to the argument concerning the confinementone’s own group, Brennan claims that this only makes the development process more difficult, but “…not less important” (Ibid., p. 76). This argument, however, might seem to be rather vague; for the specific group’s practice to be accommodated will depend on e.g. demographic and political circumstances. Ocitti argues deficiency He claims that the value of an education system does community or nation “…for which it Furthermore Ocitti agrees with Brennan maintaining that the lack of interaction between the clans was not due to deficiencies in the specific education system, but was “…mainly political in nature” (Ibid., p. 55). Furthermore education is not the onl(Ibid., p. 56). This argument is appli (2) counters that it might be difficult for elders to he argues that only if a person knows her/his nnan 1990, p. 76-77). To this argument are the most conservative, but that illiterate people are more conservative re conservative ation marks] popu (3) The third deficiency that Mushi emphasises revolves around the lack of intellectual training which pinpoints the Western importance attributed to a person’s cognitive development. the education hierarchy places oral traditions at the bottom ofwhether a “teacher” is a better catalyst than an elder to develop the child’s mind and nurture her/his creativity? (Brennan 1990, p. 77). Ocitti admits that Mushi has a point in claiming that because of the authority of the elders in an indigenous culture, the young people might not be encouraged overlooking the fact that human relations in an indigenous culture consist 7 of both vertical and horizontal level of communication where the elders over time teach the young that their minds are not challenged. The horizontal communication, on the other individual and her/his contemporaries,muscles” (Ocitti 1990: 58). (4) and women Brennan finds that Mushi does not show sufficient awareness of two central issues. Firstly, one has to examine how the roles of the complementarity within the particulareventual changed economic situation (e.g. if the man is employed outside of the community), would automatically entail a changed role of the women’s responsibilities? the relationship between men and women (Brennan 1990, p. 78-79). Brennan refrains from judging Mushi’s argumdoes pinpoint some shortcomings and limitations of indigenous learning practices. Nor does Brennan claim that indigenous education is the only relevant what is questioned is, whether Western of overcoming given weaknesses. In determinant for successf Ocitti considers Mushi’s article as heuristic, because it should spur to further, non-romanticising research on indigenous education in order to find out what has become obsolete, what should be modifi Why has indigenous education not become obsolete? Despite recognised shortcomings, the above discussion demonstrates that the useless and obsolete. Special emphasis shoulgenerational communication levels which make the individual a learner, a teacher and a worker at the same time and thereby becoming a resource person for the whole community. As a matter of fact, contextualised learning might be described as the most fundamental qualityning systems to people’s lives cannot automatically be replaced by a cu 8 The poem below illustrates the limitation of formal education as opposed to the Ils voulaient nous faire aller à l’école de leurs livres… Pourquoi apprendre le langage des livres Alors que la forêt nous parle? Les livres ne se mangent pas Et les stylos et les crayons sont de pauvres armes Pour tuer le daim des montagnes Et le sanglier grognant… alics in the original] 7 The issue of “educational irrelevance” ascapability formation among ethnic communities has been discussed among nd in international fora for decades. half of the population belongs to ethnic minority groups, continue to pinpoint the problem with textbooks illustrating the majority culture as the only valid one, and (GoL 2004: 7). Furthermore, one of the recommendations is to “Review curriculum and textbooks for ethnic bias, revise example is found in the Thai educational goals to be fulfilled by the year 2007 and “…to be adjusted in harmony furthermore one of the problems to be solved is the “Inappropriate curriculum ent” (Ibid., p. 2). (Ethnic minority groups constitute less than 2% of the total population in Thailand). Regardless of the official intentions, there are reasons to be sceptical. In the case of the Lao PDR and Thailand it seems that Habte has a point on this issue in claiming that “One should not expect etc., from countries whose regimes follow and practice inequality, political domination, military solutions to political problems” (Habte cited in Husén 1979: 91). Education policies for minority groups in the Lao PDR and Thailand are, in homogenised in service of the market. 7 The author’s translation: “They want us to go to school and read the pages in their books… Why do we have to learn the language written in books, when we hear the cry from the forest? We cannot eat books, and pen and pencils are useless arms to kill the mountain dear and the grunting wild boar”. 9 Is States’ Perception of Education Obsolete? Empirical research undertaken by the author and others in the South East Asian Region has demonstrated the relevance of indigenous learning systems. However, hence the importance of education for nation building does not take other the following to discuss Khun Wibun’s description of formal education as being in the service of the market, because it illuminates the conflictual tendencies in today’s world: on the one hand a trend away from centralisation towards diversitywere once dispossessed … silenced by dominant ideologies” are now being raised (Corson 1998: 238). In Corson’s viassimilationist forces than within capitalisvisible in the sphere of education. Asworth of something depends on its marketintrinsic and real qualities it might havagain brings the debate back to the discrepancy problem behind the formation of human capital often imparted by formalrecognise that cultural diversity demands attention in the development discourse, and that difference should nother modernising states’ perception of education are not themselves problematic. for indigenous peoples does not comply ng cultural diversity. According to Corson, several areas within the educational framework need to be reformed 8 reflects the dominant culture that furthers homogeneity and repression instead of promoting a liberating and bicultural or multi-cultural educational culture. Curricula that are never neutral and teaching methods that are consensus-seeking ception of education that is reactive Formal education programmes do not constitute a natural and organic part of being centred around the local community and the top-down led structure that does not include the resources of the community, can hardly be said to be in harmony with the contemporary development rhetoric found in the modernising of and living off development issues. 8 For the conceptual structure Corson draws on Jackie Daigle: “An examination ofmodels in first nations communities” (PhD dissertation [unpublished], University of Toronto 1997). 10 dviews as pleaded for during the genous peoples and the present reality of a globalised Why has “Learning become something that is bought and sold”? Khun Wibun’s provocative statement stresses the lack of possibilities for most indigenous peoples to have influence on their adaptation to a modernising world. Some of the answers to these questionspolitical and economic level: a) Colonial legacy The symbolic presence of the West in Third World countries after de-colonisation is still influenced, if not dominated, by Western ideologies and doctrines. The of colonial Europe expressed itself in philosophy (Enlightenment), religion (Christianity), race (the white man) and economic system (capitalism) an incomplete analysis of Western been challenged, but so far without great success. Consequently, many development activpresented as clear demonstrations for thn economic politics and culture as the implementation of Western lifestyles and material priorities have damaging effects on indigenous population groups deountries’ different paths to modernity and means of dehe expresses the unevenness as follows: ”…those-and ththe material and symbolic benefits of ‘modesurvive as a species and as human beings, find fresh solutions” (Ibid., p. 4). It can be assumed that also many imodernisation, but one could fear that thexcludes them. Education is one of the most fundamental instruments of modernisation, but for ideological and acteristics of human history is that people in all 96: ix). Knowledge has been passed on from one generation to the next not only to ensure survival, but also to preserve the respective cultures. However, most established literature, courses and conferences dealing with th 11 include few, if any, references to indigenous educational ideas and practices. Although there have been attempts minority/marginalised groups in the stacknowledged that valuable insight might be gained from serious examination of non-Western experiences themselves. This is an important shortcoming as ”…these traditions might be fully and in all respect comparable to the Western tradition in their unique richness and diversity” (Ibid., p. 1). The methodological problem in most current research, not only of indigenous educational ideas and practices, is related to the reification and de-legitimisation approaches. Even well-intentioned scholars are prone to reify the object of their studies – and thereby making it fundamentcreates confusion and misinterpretation of the phenomenon, as well as subjugating the phenomenon to the researnorms. The issue is the way education iseducational systems especially found in the Third World are de-legitimised and deemed primitive, uncivilised tradition. According to Mathur, Johan Galtung epitomises this ”…when he says most difficult to avoid the dilemma created by the strait-jacket of Western dominance, and as Sardar writes, this is due to the fact that the real power of the Western ethnocentrism perior to others, referred to as , prevails in most, if not all societies. In practice, however, this own socio-cultural norms. This is an issue that has been raised by post-modern st decades. “Indigenous populations had to be ‘modernised’, where modernisation meannamely those held by the white minority, and in general, those [values] embodied in the ideal of the cultivated Europeanm manifests itself from the very the questions they intend to ask, the wasly, by idiosyncratic biases. The new well as attempting a redefinition of development. Accordinhegemony have only begun to impose themsocial science. These problems are nowhere posed more sharply than when we consider the predicament of indigenou1999: 19). 12 the assumed binarymodernisation and tradition, cultural etreflect Western capitalist hegemony. Internal cultural imperialism prevails in any political system, as “…formal schooling is both determined by and a determinant of the political system” (Fägerlind & Sarelated to nation-building, can be seen as serving three main purposes: “1) as the main agent for political socialisation of the young into the national political culture, 2) as the primary agent for the seand 3) as the main contributor to politie building of national elements in a particular political ideology. In other words education can be conceptualised as an attempt to maintain the political status quo and homogenise the population. The problem in many Third World countries is that this official indoctrination may conflict with indigeno The emphasis on modernisation of sciencof ethnocentrism, is not so much related to individual assumptions and biases, as to conventional suppositions that are common to an entire domain of study. This kind of ethnocentrism expresses itself “A paradigm is a world view, a generathe complexity of the real world. As such, paradigmthe socialization of adheredigms tell them what is important, legitimate and reasonable. Paradigms are also normative, telling the epistemological consideration. But it is this asaction possible, their weakness in that the very reason for (Patton cited in Lincoln & Guba 1985: 15) The above definition is drawn from Thomas Kuhn’s research on the role of paradigms in scientific research. “These [paradigms] I take to be universally for a time provide model problems and however, “universally” seen in most conventions and declarations must be misunderstanding as the dominant paradigm in a field of study during a given historical period establishes the parameteallowed. Researchers, students and development practitioners usually do not of an accepted paradigm, nor do administrators. In accorded knowledge foundation they 13 form a “scientific community” and “…define the kinds of problems to be concepts to be employed, and the kind of research methods to be used” (Frankfort-Nachmias & Nachmias 1996: 17). In “socialisation” carried out by e.g. sociologists as well as of the “a Critique of Western concepts odernisation approach is that the scholars belonging to that school have tended to equate education with “formal schooling”. One reason being, according to adherents of this paradigm, that re strongly directed to some segments of the population, for example urban youth from & Saha 1989: 52). From the very beginning,ion of the process of modernisation and development was modelled on the experience of the ple is UNESCO’s Experimental World capitalist social relations rather than raising the critical awareness of his role and position in society” (Mbilinyi et al. ramme was the intention of making the new literates ‘masters of milieu’, meaning adapting them to modern behaviour at work and introducing them to modern tefrom UNESCO questioned the notion of ‘mastery of milieu’: “To what extent has socio-economic processes w literate to know and understand these processes and forces? To come to grips with them? To have a voice in controlling the objective of the eradication of illiteracy, but only questions whether paradigms developed in a Western context at paradigms assuming that people hold modern attitudes, values and one’s environment are inappropriate in da fixed curriculum at specific times often alienates children from their cultural background, the “womb-to-tomb” learning process. The focus on “modern” literacy and a literary tradition entails that many interesting and important aspects ve been considered as falling outside the parameters of “legitimat Notwithstanding the complexity of the indigenous question, the researcher equipped with well-defined Western paradigms, thus appears to be academically 14 boundaries for her/his expectations mightresearcher to accept that previous assumptions concerning the conceptualisation ay in that they did not reflect any Theoretically, cultural ethnocentrism haeducation systems as “underdeveloped” and “traditional” and without internal dynamics. The epistemological ethnocentrism that equates education with “schooling” is a distortion of proven usef“…indigenous knowledge is threatened by inadequate, inaccurate and inappropriate conceptions of knowledge and the propagation of these conceptions conceptualisations are needed, and an increasing numberare questioning mainstream educational re A shortcoming of this approach is howstrategies are still mainly conceived although some have slowly begun to recognise the cultural heterogeneity in the Third World and the challenges it can cause for mainstreaming development efforts. Pieterse points out that a state in its reconstruction towards modernisation creativity and dynamism and arguably the ultimate source of economic growth and human betterment” (Pieterse 2000: 199) “Education for All” strategies World War was that the notion of human rights was put on the global agenda through the adoption of the Universal . The victory of human freedom was celebrated and the principal objective of centred development. The post-war pericolonies were not just for political freedom, but also for improved social welfare. The purpose of the following discussion is to explore some of the unsettled issues in the “Education for All” strategies also seen in the light of various rights declarations. Education as a Human Right adequately nourished as well as to have adequate shelter are among the central human needs that people should be m. The fourth of the 10 functional 15 capabilities she claims as a universal vang, but by no means limited to, literacy and basic (Nussbaum 2000: 78-79). Nussbaum adds: ecification for the modern world of a more general capability that may have been realized without literacy racy, basic mathematics and scientific training in the above quotation is presumably encumberdetermined contents, but Nussbaum’s modian oral tradition, that has been valued from pre-modern times, and a capability that for some population groups might still be valuable. Capabilities can be thought of as human rights, because they fulfil a similar role in the formulation stic, philosophical and conceptual difficulties associated with the interpretation of human rights (Ibid., p. 97). Some of the problems connected with the kinds of rights are how the term “universal” should be interpreted and hence whether the term “universal education” can have any meaning. In a historical from the colonial period; the mandate of 9 just after the First World War continued to legitimise the developed world’s intervention in developing countries by claiming that, apart from the economic and political interests, there were ilization, material and moral well-being, social progress” (Rist 1997: 62) from the “enlightened” world that should be conveyed to extra-European peoples. Universalism was synonymous with 10 aration of Independence in 1776, Magna Carta from 1215 (England), and the Declaration of the Rights of Man from 1789 (France). international declaration on universal human rights was written in the aftermath ghts might have assumed that the term “universal” could be appwever, despite the attempts to cal tensions in a preceding symposium, one of the subjects in the declaration, the Universal Right to Education , is still debatable. 11 9 The League, established in 1920, was the first formalised attempt to create an international body to secure peace. It included representatives from states throughout the world, but the United States of America was not a member. The League was dissolved in 1946 and provided a model for the United Nations Organisation (Carruthers in Baylis & Smith 2001: 56). 10 From the 16 th to the 20 th centuries the European states were colonial powers. 11 Joel Spring states that the U.S. Congress in the 1950s refused to ratify the declaration due to the lack of consensus on the term ’universal‘ (Spring 2000: ix). 16 Article 26 of the declaration states: education. Education shall be free, at least in the elementary and fundamental stages. Elementary education shall be compulsory. Technical and all be made generally on shall be accessible to all on the basis of merit. and it continues: directed to the full development of the human for human rights and fundamental freedoms. It shall promote understanding, tolerance and friendship among all all further the activities of the United Nations for the main ( www.un.org/Overview/rights.html ) 12 These clauses have left some questionsfs about learning and development” (Spring 2000: 2): a) there is no universal justification of the right to education. Can the right to education for all the world’s peoples be justified regardless of differences in cultural, religious and political circumst And another unsolved problem: b) there is no universal definition of the meaning of education. Is there a lture? Which kind of education will be most velopment of the human potential? The Jomtien World Conference on Education for All in 1990 These problems were left unresolved in would reach a common understanding, but divergences continued with undiminishe World Conference on Education for All (WCEFA) held in Jomtien, Thailand,considerable number of delegates from national governments, intergovernmental and non-governmental organisations and education professionals did not succeed in agreeing on “…an adequate and complete and definition of education” (Spring 2000: 6). 12 Retrieved 29 January 2005. 17 The most significant difference between the two declarations is the changes in the vocabulary This could be considered as an openingontroversy concerning the understanding of nd monopolised by the West. The first two r action of the declaration illustrate the meet their basic learning needs. These needs comprise both essential h as literacy, and problem solving, lls, values, and attitudebeings to be able to survive, to develop their fullwork in dignity, to participate fully in development, to improve the quality of their lives, to make inhow they should be met with the passage of time. The satisfaction of these needs empowy to respect and build upon their cause for social justice…ensuring that commonly accepted humanistic values and human In article 3, clause 4 the target groups are specified , and now includes, among others, indigenous peoples. An active commitment must be made to removing educational disparities. ren; rural and remote populations; nomads and migrant workers;; ethnic, racial suffer any discrimination in access to learning (UNESCO: World Declaration on Education for All 1990: 3) In principle these clauses give more spcultural diversity. The emphasis on “quality “empowers the individual” are borrowed such as the human development paradigm became the prevailing approach. The ambitions for educational development at national and sub-national level erence’s Framework for Action. The 18 Framework stresses the importance of community intervention, and universal ng what that entails- should be reached ity between male arates, emphasis on the poor and disadvantaged and revision of curricula were WCEFA, Framework However, as Joseph Müller states:” None of the targets of Jomtien has been fully The Jomtien conference was noterful movement” (Ibid., p. 30), and the most significant follow up was held in 2000 13 . The Dakar Conference on Education for All in 2000 eeting was a confirmation of the 1990 conference and to review the assessment of the progress made during the Jomtien Decade and to renew the co2015 (Ibid., p. 31). There are only few differences in the renewed Framework for Action. The elimination of gender disparities as well as improved access to antaged, vulnerable groups and ethnic minorities has been mowording from the Jomtien Confe Dakar declaration, but the participants did not find it important or possible to reach clearer definitions of education, “appropriate learning” and “quality in education” (Ibid., p. 19-22). The Ecuadorian researcher Rosa María Torres expresses an interesting critique of encompasses the divide between a problem solving tion is that she finds the initiative “…more along the lines of the tradition of rather than s assumes that e.g. some, if not all, indigenous peoples want to be moderne expected progress from 1990 to 2000: number of enrolments in schools with no recognition of the learning that takes ng are limited to the formal education nutrition etc.); indicators for children’s after 10 years centred on formal qualifications (Ibid., p. 142-143) 13 UNESCO has established a consultative EFA Forum to keep the EFA movement alive through a series of worldwide meetings that have taken place since 1990: 1991 in Paris, 1993 in Delhi, and 1996 in Amman. The mandate of the Forum is to support national initiatives as well as to encourage multilateral and bilateral donors and NGOs to involve themselves in the education policy in Third World countries (Adult Education and Development 55/2000: 30-31). 19 vision of the EFA initiatives if the intendespecially the dialectical relationship between teaching and learning in the sense that, traditionally, learning is assumed to take place automatically if the focus is on the teaching methods. Govinda from the National Institute of Educational Planning and Administration, New Delhi, agrees. To enhance the dynamic aspect should be replaced by process indicators: “…such as changing policy environment, supportive legislative measures, civic society responses, intensified community consultation processes, and improvement in the quality of teachi R.M Torres advocates for more emphasis on the “value and meaning of learning” arning” (Torres 2000: 146). In order to do this, Torres finds it actical meaning of lifelong learning by accepting that learning is not restrictreaffirmation of the focus on learning is according to Torres the challenge ahead, operational framework (Ibid., p. 146-154).e acknowledges that arations does open up for a broader Main outcomes of the two “Education for All” conferences ce on Education for All, the problems lity” as well as the definition of how to two conclusions that can be drawn from the above. One must be considered as First , the insufficient results in terms of the number of out of school children has increased by 13 mills. from 1990 to 2this regard it should be acknowledged, though, that several factors must be seen as contributing to this state of affairs: population growth, more complicated on HIV/AIDS and a changed dynamic economic processes in mirrors the epistemological ethnocentrism that delimits education to “schooling” of the concept. The weight put on quantifiable indicators such as the emphasis on enrolment rates, statistics on e embedded in the 20 Western education culture, where education is supply-driven and to a great extent stitutions. Despite the focus on qualitytween the two conferences, Torres draws attention to the lack of indicators in that respect. According to her the quantifiable indicators and “the race for numbers” reflect a restricted and tion, more “associated with ” [italics in the original], and that the time has come to “…build new scenarios and relationships, and define a new common sense for education and education reform” (T Thus the claim for a wider c second be drawn from a scrutiny of the two declarations, an interpretation that might inspire some hope. The initial guiding principles and visions of the EFA paradigm for education. According to m Third World societies. At the operational level she pleads for an increased linkage between the different thinking must be rejected. Education should aim at preparing people for active citizenship in terms of insight in the socio-political and economic structures, as well as being considered as an integral For this to occur, Torres argues that it iseducation be broadened. The focus must shift from education all learning resources be respected: apart from the school it encompasses families must be recognised that learning starts at birth and is demand driven, and not only the responsibility of the state. The rethinking of the concept also recognises that “…each group and community has specific realities, needs and resources that will shape specifiknowledge” (Ibid., p. 152). Torres claims that for basic education to contribute to it is vital to develop a new mindset concerning education. (Ibid., p. 146-154). rres are willing to take the mainstream understanding of education a step further and re-interpret deeply rooted concepts. milieu, and that different cultures, including indigenous cultures’ understandintheir educational practices should receive recognition. 21 Cultural Rights and the Rights of Indigenous Peoples ruments, dating from the last 20 years of the 20 th century, challenge the Western hegemony with the intensified focus on cultural diversity and recognition of indigenous peinternational Human Rights the language over time from asserting indigenous’ people’s “…right to enjoy their own culture” to “…exercise control” r cultural traditions and customs”. The legitimisation of indigenous a demand for official informative and non-discriminatory picture of the different cultures. The respective governments’ obligpeoples in the planning and implementation of all developmenis a further step towards full recognition of cultural disparity. ns were followed up by the end of the vember- December 1998. The United Nations Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC) convened a working amendments to the declaration on the rights of indigenous peoples. 14 d the importance of peoples themselves in activities that directly affect their cultures and livelihood. The Danish delegate emphasised that securing the rights of the indigenous peoples might be a difficult process, but “…it could not be completed without the full participation of those concerned, namely the 82: 8). The High Commissioner also underlined the need for dialogue among all involved parties and “…encouraged governments to adopt a declaration on the rithe normative statements of the articles as well as the fairness of the appeal to governments, but they evoke more questions than they provide solutions. Constraints in the Achievements as well as achievement are problematic on to the difficulties in the achievement of cultural and indigenous rights in multareas it would be possible for minority and indigenous groups to exercise autonomy. He emphasises at least two constraints in this connection. The first problem derives from the difference in definitions. “Culture” can be defined as “accumulated material heritage” alias “cultudefinition to “…the sum total of the material and from other similar groups”ition adds to the complexity 14 47 governments, 47 indigenous organizations and 19 non-governmental organizations attended the meetings (UN Economic and Social Council 20 January 1999: 1). 22 of the question of rights. Stavenhagen points out that by using this broader definition it is difficult to encompass cultural rights in an adequate way in the existing declarations of rights. The principles of non-discrimination and equality as formulated in the various declarations “…basically relate to the rights of individuals” (Ibid., p. 157), and the appWestern has until recent years remained unqthe declarations to be applicable in multicllective approach is lem of “…who can claim these rights and to whom they are applicable” (Ibid., p.minority groups appear in international declarations, it is still unclear what the different terms denote. A second problem is linked to the culturagroups in the respective societies thattional and cultural policies” (Ibid., p. as Stavenhagen phrases it: ”… then expects all other groups to conform to this model, even if that means,ruction of other cultures” s in most cases of development. In ments strive towards homogenisation of in connection to adapting economic globalisation. c) Neo-colonial demands The third possible answer to Khun Wibun’s statement could be sought in the demands on state policies in the developing world, not least in the South East Asian Region with rapidly emerging markets. The state’s claim to be the only genous learning concept and practices is being further jeopardized by the present economic and cultural globalisation more relevance at this time than ever before. The revival of the education discussion of critical pedagogy from the 1970s as crucial for the development of human potential applies to both the deveeducation are imbued with narrow demands of qualifications, competence building and competition mentality. Accordis under massive attack from big inte 15 and 15 Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development. International organization of 24 industrialised countries, which coordinates member states’ economic policy strategies. 23 WTO 16 ents they push governments to to the neo-liberal agenda all over the direct result of this interference, and it is difficult to disagree with Hoby who finds it to be an unjust system, that 17 The promotion of “universalism” through market-friendly mechanisms by various international actors and agencies affect local and regional development 18 imposes itself through already existing channels of powerand the United States. Together with the non-state tions (TNCs), and semi-state actors like 19 ous UN agencies, are active worldwide. These global actors “…have The aid business with the IMF, World Bank and AsDB 20 as the most momentous conditions attached to the loans and grants are most often claimed to be in the interest of the recipient countries. However, considering the lack of development al imperialism, and foreign aid is regarded by some political scientists as avit in Kaosa-ard & How to avoid the “ebbing away” of indige several initiatives from various actors could be taken into account. Some approaches might apply to indigenous peoples 16 World Trade Organisation. 17 Jan Hoby: “Paulo Freires socialistiske ideer for et andet uddannelsessystem” [Paulo Freire’s socialist ideas of an alternative education system]. (Retrieved from www.kritiskdebat.dk/artikel.php?id=207 14.Oct.2005 p. 1-4). 18 According to Joel Spring the world has lived through 4 stages of colonisation with various actors. 1: Christianisation (Spanish Empire), 2: Civilising mission (British Empire and French colonisation), 3: Development and modernisation (United States Imperialism), 4: Transnational co-operations (Spring 2000:41). 19 The International Monetary Fund was established under the 1944 Bretton Woods agreement, and has been operational since 1947. 20 Asian Development Bank was founded in 1966 to stimulate growth in Asia and the far East by administrating direct loans and technical assistance. 24 tives might be determined by their status in the “Indigenous peoples” has become an appealing term, and due to the attention from non-state and inter-state organisations it has become an inconcept. For some indigenous groups e.g. the Sami peoples in northern n and the support from international organisations have contribut institutional indigenous space (own university etc.). It should be remembered though that this particular group lives in developed, democratic countries where the state economically and developing countries the reality is different. Some rld have created their own associations whose purpose it is to advise the particular communities to adapt their lifestyle to a modernising world while at the same timthey normally need support from different civil society organisations which can be problematic. In many- if not most - y is very weak, local NGOs may not be allowed or they are strongly controlledin the country can be accused of neo-imperialism as they, to a their funds from the big donors and hence follow the ideology of domesticating ring a bi-or multicultural society. At the state level a relaxation of sectoral thinking own future. This again demands more room for manoeuvre for progressive perpetuation of a supply-driven education. s demand-driven is not sufficiently ich most developing countries education A liberation from mainstream thinking in terms of the many variations of “race for numbers” in education reports of different kinds from national and international consultants would enhanpractices of education, not only to be heard but to be validated. In that connection the indefatigable attempts from an increasing number of researchers and levance deserve attention from a wider declaration of human rights seriously. Nonetheless, the economic and ideologicalsues should not be underestimated. The Education for All conferences held under the auspices of UNESCO promotes 25 supply-driven education and thereby sanction the beliefs that the state is the only Conclusion tegies in the South East Asian Region, and most likely in most developing countries, can be seen as a reflection of the dichotomy between an economthe cultural and epistemological ethnocentrism, die-hard paradigms of the West and neo-colonial economic woto increased polarisation and unevenness among the various cultures in the developing countries. Simultaneously, the West allocates funds to the developing world only on certain discourse that contests the supremacy of the dominant paradigms, a discourse that nd a discourse, lead by indigenous in their own development is gaining increasing recognition. 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UN Economic and Social Council (ECOSOC)established in accordance with Commission on Human Rights resolution 1995/32 (ECOSOC/UN/E/CN.4/1999/82. UNESCO (1990): World Declaration on Education for All. 28 DEVELOPMENT RESEARCH SERIES WORKING PAPERS: No. 1: Olav Jull Sørensen: Marketing Issues in Peasant Agricultural Development, 55 pp, 1983. No. 2: : The Ecol-Humanistic Technology - the new Technology as Experiences from the Past, 33 pp, 1983. No. 3: Georg Sørensen: Transnationals and the Transfer of Technology to the Third World, 31 pp, 1984. No. 4: Georg Sørensen: International Bureaucracies and Aid: The Political Economic of the 'B-Share', 11 No. 5: Georg Sørensen: Notes on Materialism and Boredom - Western Development Ideals, 12 pp, 1984. No. 6: Olav Jull Sørensen: Marketing Systems and Economic Development. An Institutional-Structural Approach, 41 pp, 1984. No. 7: Georg Sørensen: How much Poison is Another Man's Meat? - Notes on the Logic of World Systems Analysis, 29 pp, 1984. No. 8: Georg Sørensen: Peace and Development: Looking for the Right Track, 18 pp, 1984. No. 9: Georg Sørensen No. 10: Jacques Hersh & Ellen Brun: Aspects of Soviet Participation in a Shifting World Economy. 45 pp, 1984. No. 11: Olav Jull Sørensen: Marketing System Development and Labour Migration: Analysis and Consequences. 41 pp, 1984. No. 12: Georg Sørensen: How Cold is the Second Cold War? - An Assessment of the Scope of 'the Great Contest'. 23 pp, 1984. No. 13: John E. Kuada: Agricultural Development in the Third World. 23 pp, 1984. No. 14: Olav Jull Sørensen No. 15: Jørgen Kristiansen: Urban Passenger Transport in Developing Countries - Socio-economic Impact and the Choice of Technology. 58 pp, 1985. No. 16: John E. Kuada: Marketing Systems in a Development Process. 35 pp, 1985. No. 17: Georg Sørensen: Some Contradictions in a Rich Concept on Development. 14 pp, 1985. No. 18: Olav Jull Sørensen: Marketing of Agricultural Inputs/Implements and Profiles of Farmers in Kenya: Project Preparations. 47 pp, 1986. No. 20: Georg Sørensen: International and External Intertwined: 5 Obstacles to Development in India. 20 No. 21: John E. Kuadaamework for Market Opportunity Analysis and Project Selection. 14 pp, 1986. No. 22: Olav Jull Sørensen: Co-operatives: Movement-to-Movement Cooperation. Some Conceptual Views. 15 pp, 1986. No. 23: John E. Kuada No. 24: Hans Gullestrup: Culture, Cultural Analysis and Cultural Ethics - Or What Divides and What Unites Us? (Out of print) (in Danish). 84 pp, 1987. No. 24a: Hans Gullestrup: Culture, Cultural Analysis and Cultural Ethics - Or What Divides and What Unites Us? (Second revised edition) (Out of print) (in Danish). 92 pp, 1988. No. 25: John E. Kuada: Food Marketing in Ghana, the Role of Rural Food Traders. 53 pp, 1988. No. 26: Henrik A. Nielsen: Monitoring Rural Development in Bangladesh. 22 pp, 1989. No. 27: Hans Gullestrup No. 28: Chaiwoot Chaipan: Current Issues on Economic Development in East and Southeast Asia. 24 pp, 1991. No. 29: Henrik Nielsen: Databased Information on Danida-Projects 1962-91: Overview and Analysis of the Daniproj-Database. 55 pp, 1992. No. 30: Hans Gullestrup: Evaluating Social Consequences of Social Changes in the Third World Countries. 24 pp, 1993. No. 31: No. 32: Henrik A. Nielsen: Local Community Development Around the Bay of Bengal: Context, Crises and Perspectives. 27 pp, 1994. No. 33: Johannes Dragsbaek Schmidt: a Regionalized World Economy. 21 pp, 1994. No. 34: Johannes Dragsbaek Schmidt: Semi-autonomy in Economic Policy-making: The Case of Thailand. 28 pp, 1994. No. 35: Johannes Dragsbaek Schmidt: Increasing Exports in a Decreasing World Market: The Role of Developmental States in the ASEAN-4. 27 pp, 1994. No. 36: Johannes Dragsbaek Schmidt: State Capacities and Bargaining Strategies in the Global Disorder. 14 No. 37: Samir Amin: The Future of Global Polarization. 17 pp, 1994. No. 38: Peter W. Cunningham: The Re-affirmation of State Socialism. The South African Debate. 17 pp, 1995. No. 39: Nothing New in the East: No New World Order. 28 pp, 1994. No. 40: Johannes Dragsbaek Schmidt: State Intervention in Southeast Asia. Creating Growth without Welfare. 20 pp, 1994. No. 41: Garry Rodan: Ideological Convergences Across 'East' and 'West': The New Conservative Offensive. 24 pp, 1995. No. 42: Jacques Hersh: North Korea: Ideal-Type Anomaly. 18 pp, 1995. No. 43: Research Centre for Development and International Relations (DIR), Johannes Dragsbaek Schmidt et al. (eds.): Research Program 1995-1997. Globalization and Social Change - Structures, Systems and Unidisciplinary Research. 74 pp, 1995. No. 44: Feiwel Kupferberg: Ethno-nationalism, Liberal Democracy and the Psychology of the Post Cold War Era. 19 pp, 1995. No. 45: Feiwel Kupferberg: Uncertainty, Chaos and Learning: Prolegomenon to a Sociology of Creativity. 27 pp, 1995. No. 46: Feiwel Kupferberg: Strategic Learning: East Germany as a "Model Case" for Transformation Theory. 26 pp, 1995. No. 47: : China and East Asia vs. The West: Controversies, Clashes and Challenges. 19 pp, 1995. No. 48: Kwang-Yeong Shin: Democratization and Class Politics in Korea, 1987 - 1993. 20 pp, 1995. No. 49: Joachim Hirsch: Regulation Theory and its Applicability to Studies on Globalization and Social Change. 12 pp, 1995. No. 50: Ellen Brun: The New Social Contract: Sustainability from below. 20 pp, 1995. No. 51: The Dynamics of East Asian Intra-Regional Economic Relations. 22 pp, 1995. No. 52: Kwang-Yeong Shin: Characteristics of the East Asian Economic System: Authoritarian Capitalism and The Developmental State. 33 pp, 1996. No. 53: Playing Democracy and Human Rights. The International System and the China-West Case. 17 pp, 1996. No. 54: Jacques Hersh & Johannes Dragsbaek Schmidt: Dirigisme or Laissez-Faire? - Catching-up Strategies in the Global System After the Demise of Soviet-Style Command Economies. 22 pp, 1996. No. 55: Johannes Dragsbaek Schmidt & Jacques Hersh: Peace Convergence and Political Legitimacy in Israel and Palestine. 16 pp, 1997. No. 56: David Harvey: Globalization in Question. 22 pp, 1997. No. 57: Amiya Kumar Bagchi: In Praise of the Developmental State. 35 pp, 1997. No. 58: Su-Hoon Lee: The Rise of Environmentalism in South Korea. 31 pp, 1997. No. 59: Mark Beeson & Kanishka Jayasuriya: The Politics of Regionalism: APEC and the EU in Comparative Perspective. 37 pp, 1997. No. 60: Manfred Bienefeld: The State and Civil Society: The Political Economy of the New Social Policy35 pp, 1997. No. 61: Duncan McCargo: Problematising Democratisation: The Thai Case. 22 pp, 1997. No. 62: Li Xing: Conceptualizing the Crisis of Socialism: A Gramscian Approach. Some Reflections on the Chinese Socialist Experience. 41 pp, 1998. No. 63: Henrik A. Nielsen: Decentralising the Monitoring of Development Intervention: From Local Government Impact-Monitoring. 116 pp, 1998. No. 64: Suresh Narayanan: From Miracle to Realities: The Malaysian Economy in Crisis. 26 pp, 1998. No. 65: Li Xing, Jacques Hersh & Johannes Dragsbaek Schmidt: The Rise and Fall of East Asian Capitalism: Back to the future? 30 pp, 1998. No. 66: Jan Oberg: Globalization and Responses by Civil Society to Humanitarian Emergencies. 44 pp, 1998. No. 67: Johannes Dragsbaek Schmidt: Development Theory and the Crisis of the State. 30 pp, 1998. No. 68: Johannes Dragsbaek Schmidt, Jacques Hersh and Li Xing (eds.) and members of DIRProgram 1998-2000 Globalization and Social Change Interdisciplinary Critical1998. No. 69: Human Rights in International Development Co-operation: Between Politics and Policy. 69 pp, 1999. No. 70: Mammo Muchie: Problems of Sub-Saharan Africa’s Renewal in the Era of Globalisation. 32 pp, 1999. No. 71: Wolfgang Sachs: Globalization and Sustainability. 38 pp, 1999. No. 72: The Market Approach to Industrialization: A Critique of China´s Experiment. 37 pp, 1999. No. 73: Bob Jessop: The State and the Contradictions of the Knowledge-Driven Economy. 37 pp, 1999. No. 74: Bob Jessop: What follows Fordism? On the Periodization of Capitalism and its Regulation. 36 pp, 1999. No. 75: Mammo MuchieClimbing the Value-Added Chain in Leather Manufacture: Lessons from the Indian Case to Enhance Value-Added Leather Processing in Ethiopia and Kenya. 26 pp, 2000. No. 76: Stanislav Menshikov: Macropolicies to Help Re-Start Economic Growth in Russia. 44 pp, 2000. No. 77: Stanislav Menshikov: Indicators and Trends of Economic Globalisation. 26 pp, 2000. No. 78: Stanislav Menshikov: The Role of International Capital Flows: How to Reduce the Vulnerability of the Global Economy. 23 pp, 2000. No. 79: Mammo Muchie: The Way Africa Entered The Millennium: Trousers and Skirts down or Head High: A Commentary. 19 pp, 2000. No. 80: Manfred Bienefeld: Globalisation and Social Change: Drowning in the Icy Waters of Commercial Calculation. 48 pp, 2000. No. 81: Mammo Muchie: From Protest to Sanitation: Critical Reflections on the UN´s Discourse of Environmentally friendly Technologies. 24 pp, 2000. No. 82: Jacques Hersh: Globalization and Regionalization: Two Facets of One Process. 22 pp, 2000. No. 83: Mammo Muchie: Towards a Theory for Re-framing Pan-Africanism: An Idea Whose Time Has Come. 30 pp, 2000. No. 84: Rajah Rasiah: From Dragons to Dwarfs: Reexamining Neo-Liberal Explanations of the Southeast Asian Financial Crisis. 23 pp, 2000. No. 85: Jacques Hersh: The Constraints of World Capitalism in Catching up. 35 pp, 2000. No. 86: Johannes Dragsbaek Schmidt: Political Business as Usual-Comparing Public-Private Partnerships in East and Southeast Asia. 22 pp, 2000. No. 87: Johannes Dragsbaek Schmidt: Democratization and Social Welfare in Thailand. 23 pp, 2000. No. 88: Mammo Muchie: The Uptake of Environmentally Sensitive Innovation in Production in Sub-Saharan Africa. 19 pp, 2000. No. 89: Mammo Muchie: Imagining Ethiopia Betyond War and Poverty: The two-year war between two strategic allies in the Horn of Africa. 34 pp, 2000. No. 90: Susanne Thorbek: Beyond Equal Rights. 25 pp, 2000. No. 91: Timothy M. Shaw: Development Studies at the Start of the New Millennium in South and North. 18 No. 92: Jane L. Parpart: Rethinking Participatory Empowerment, gender and development: The PRA Approach. 24 pp, 2000. No. 93: Timothy M. Shaw: Contemporary Conflicts in Africa: implications for development studies/policies. 36 pp, 2000. No. 94: ReOrient Histography and Social Theory. 41 pp, 2000 No. 95: Howard Stein: The Development of the Developmental State in Africa: A Theoretical Inquiry. 30 No. 96: Li Xing and Jacques Hersh: Understanding Capitalism: Crises and Passive Revolutions. 35 pp, 2001. No. 97: Jiang Shixue: Reflections from Comparative Studies Of the Development Models in Latin America and East Asia. 15 pp, 2001. No. 98: Jiang Shixue: Sino-Latin American Relations: Retrospect and Prospects. 21 pp, 2001. No. 99: Social Development in East Asia: Warfare, Workfare, Welfare? 51 pp, 2001. No. 100: Peadar Kirby: Is the Irish state developmental? 28 pp, 2001. No. 101: Elmar Altvater: The Growth Obsession. 28 pp, 2001. No. 102: Berhanu Gutema Balcha: Food Insecurity in Ethiopia: the Impact of Socio-political Forces. 17 pp, 2001. No. 103: Marianne H. Marchand: Gendering Globalization in an Era of Transnational Capital: New Cross-border Alliances and Strategies of Resistance in a Post-NAFTA Mexico. 21 pp, 2001. No. 104: Ravindra Kumar: Gandhi: Non-violence and Indian Democracy. 9 pp, 2002. No. 105: Mammo Muchie: The New Partnership for African Development (Nepad): A False or a True Start for Shaping Africa’s Decolonised Future? 10 pp, 2002. No. 106: Vibeke Andersson: Indigenous Authority and State Policy: Popular participation in two villages in rural Bolivia. 19 pp, 2002. No. 107: Johannes Dragsbaek Schmidt: Rethinking the Nexus between Development Theory and IR: From Old Divisions to New Encounters. 23 pp, 2004. No. 108: Louise Takeda: The Emancipatory Potential of Ecological Economics: A Thermodynamic Perspective on Economics, Space and Sustainability. 95 pp, 2002. No. 109: Johannes Dragsbaek Schmidt: No Middle Road Capitalism: The Impact of the Uniform Policy-regime in Eastern Europe and East Asia. 23 pp, 2004. No. 110: Johannes Dragsbaek Schmidt: Confronting Globalization through Social Reform in East and Southeast Asia. 26 pp, 2004. No. 111: Johan Galtung: A World in Economic Crisis. 33 pp, 2002. No. 112: Kristen Nordhaug: US Hegemony, Economic Integration and Monetary Regionalism in East Asia. 33 pp, 2002. No. 113: Johannes Dragsbaek Schmidt: Regionalism in East and Southeast Asia. 23 pp, 2004. No. 114: Rajah Rasiah: The Competitive Impact of China on Southeast Asia’s Labor Markets. 37 pp, 2002. No. 115: Johannes Dragsbaek Schmidt: Crisis Management in Thailand: The Ambivalence of “New” Keynesian Responce. 27 pp, 2003. No. 116: Annette Kanstrup-Jensen: Constraints on Capability Formation of Indigenous Communities: The Case of Human Development among Akha and Hmong Groups in South East Asia. 22 pp, 2003. No. 117: Li Xing & Mammo Muchie: Globalization and Social Well-being Alternative Approach to Well-being Attainment and Measurement. 22 pp, 2003. No. 118: Bjørn Møller: Raising armies in a rough neighbourhood. The Military and Militarism in Southern Africa. 45 pp, 2003. No. 119: Johannes Dragsbaek Schmidt: Making capitalism work: The dubious dichotomy between welfare and workfare. 24 pp, 2003. No. 120: Bjørn Møller: African conflicts: Background factors, motives and patterns. 92 pp, 2003. No. 121: Li Xing & Jacques Hersh: The Genesis of capitalism. 30 pp, 2003. No. 122: Bjørn Møller: Conflict theory. 68 pp, 2003. No. 123: Johannes Dragsbaek Schmidt: Reflections on human rights and the new US world disorder. 15 pp, 2004. No. 124 Bjørn Møller: Aid against terrorism. 19 pp, 2003. No. 125Timothy Shaw:Two Africas? Two Ugandas? An African ‘Democratic Developmental State’? Or Another ‘Failed State’? 24 pp, 2004. No. 126 Jane ParpartGender, Power and Governance in a Globalizing World. 16 pp, 2004. No. 127 Bjørn Møller: Peace as A Global Pub No. 128 Ananta Kumar Giri: A Moral Critique of Development: Ethics, Aesthetics and Responsibility. 33 No. 129 Peadar Kirby: Is Globalisation Good for Us? Introducing the Concept of Vulnerability. 46 pp, 2004. No. 130 : Management of the Mekong River Basin: Contesting its sustainability from a communication Perspective. 27 pp, 2004. No. 131 Elmar Altvater: Globalization and the informalization of the urban space. 18 pp, 2004. No. 132 Johannes Dragsbaek Schmidt: Civil Society at the Crossroads in Southeast Asia. 28 pp, 2004. No. 133 Johannes Dragsbaek Schmidt: Flexicurity, Casualisation and Informalisation of Global Labour Markets. 24 pp, 2005. No. 134 Ananta Kumar Giri: Creative Social Research: Rethinking Theories and Methods and the Calling of an Ontological Epistemology of Participation. 43 pp, 2005. No. 135 Bengt-Aake Lundvall: Nation states, social capital and economic development – a system’s approach to knowledge creation and learning. 21 pp, 2006. No. 136 Annette Kanstrup-Jensen: Indigenous Education and Knowledge – a delegitimised Concept in the Education for All Strategies. 28 pp, 2006.