ANDERSON M. (2003) Journal of Psychiatric and Mental Health Nursing - PDF document

ANDERSON M. (2003) Journal of Psychiatric and Mental Health Nursing 10, 297Ð306 ÔOne ßew over the psychiatric unitÕ: mental illness and the media Journal of Psychiatric and Mental Health Nursing , 2003, The case of Stephen Laudat, a person known to be suffer-Bryan Bennett, is identiÞed as the ÔKiller who should notinadequacies of community care provision (Brindle 1995).chiatric hospital (OÕNeil & Fletcher 1996).. 1994) and Jonathon Newby (Davis 1995), are clearly attributed to health policy and health ser-ÔNHS accused over mentally ill killersÕ (Timmins & Brown1996). More recently, Paterson & Stark (2001) suggest thatproblem. However, the National ConÞdential Inquiry intoSuicide and Homicides in England and Wales revealed thatserious mental health problem (Department of Health1999a). The new millennium has seen a signiÞcant shiftcurrent mental healthcare policy (Department of Healthpublic attitudes towards the mentally ill (Philo Thornton & Wahl 1996, Conrad 1997). Ward (1997)positive articles. Yet Allen & Nairn (1997) challenged theregarding mental health issues. Additionally, the work thatcommunication, but in particular with Þlm. The assump-lines might well have been generated by popular Þlms suchas The Snakepit (1948), Psycho (1960), Taxi Driver (1976)and Halloween (1978). The argument for Þlm stereotypeshealth problems is convincing (Hyler . 1991, Wahl1992). Torrey (1994) links newspaper reports, Þlm repre-press, together with the popularity of such Þlms as Psychoand Halloween. Here we can see where Þction and realitycross over. However, the relationship between variousvery complex (Philo The examples of current media attention identiÞedthe entertainment value of both the press and Þlm. Theserepresentations fall into Curran & SparkÕs (1991) view ofaudience pleasure, gratiÞcation and entertainment, whichare used to explain an important framework in this paper.and interact with media products. In the Þeld of mediastudies the audience is often regarded as constantly inter-acting with the media they consume (i.e. Þlm and newspa-media (particularly Þlm) is point of view. Basically, thisrefers to the personÕs viewpoint in the Þlm. Symbolic rep-the members of the culture that uses it (OÕSullivan 1983). Finally, an important concept is the uses and grati-ences take in media (read newspapers/watch a Þlm) for the(Curran & Sparks 1991). This is explained in more detaillater in the paper. The ideological dimensions of entertain-such press articles and the depictions created in Þlm. Theselated to broader social determinations . . . Their func-mental illness living in the community. Studies in commu-of intolerance and stigma remain (Brockington Huxley 1993, Kelly & McKenna 1997, Rose 1998). The when considering Þlm representations of mental illness.Uses and gratiÞcation research places importance on thepoint of view can be extended to RobinsÕ (1994) under-ically to television. Robins (1994, p. 457) states ÔTo watchmedia coverage of the war. RobinsÕ (1994) question sur-rounds the uses and gratiÞcation of consuming such realityto gain knowledge about the problems and issues in thecerned. However, this does not seem to be entirely true.the violence of war. This process works in a similar wayimages of MacMurphy experiencing ECT, or the result of areturned to these Þlms for years, just as they return to morecontemporary Þlms such as Silence of the Lambs (1992)and Single White Female (1992), to revisit some of the hor-point of view, symbolic representation and audience plea-sure, gratiÞcation and entertainment is not a straightfor-effect of media portrayals of mental illness, such as Þlm,regarded as active. Curran & Sparks (1991) stress thatfear). Ultimately, there is a pleasure and gratiÞcationgained from this sense of security. This connects withRobins (1994) suggestion that certain Ôpost-modern envi-dangers of the world. However, the contention here ispowerful is the relationship between Þlm representationraised here the next section will deal speciÞcally withThe national press and mental illnessof the media and social research connected to this Þeldthe mentally ill. In the UK, Appleby & Wessely (1988) con-committed by Michael Ryan (whose mental state wasunknown) the study found a signiÞcant increase in theamount of people believing that those who commit horriÞccrimes are likely to be mentally ill. Tests were carried out 6longer found. Appleby & Wessely (1988) suggest that thispsychiatry that Michael Ryan may have been sufferingapproach in investigating this area. Philo judgement on personal experience. Philo news reporting. Jacobs (1996) indicates that in the past,a ÔstoriedÕ form (Sherwood 1994). However, such a processers to make stories ÔnewsworthyÕ (Katz 1987). These meth-ods involve the use of speciÞc codes, and in the presentIn this way, an item is judged in terms of its Ônewsworthi-research the subject and how to write the story. The code ofÔpublic problemsÕ facilitates not only the justiÞcation ofsociety (Jacobs 1996). However, past research indicatesterms of reports on crime in the news. Katz (1987) suggestsbe depicted in one or more of four categorical ways: per-sonal competence and sensibility; collective integrity; mor-alized political conßicts; and white collar crime. Theseappear to be constructed around speciÞc moral issues con-tinuously generated within modern-day society. For thepresent discussion, the Þrst of Katz categories appears to besensibility.Dennis Nilsen (Prins 1995) became renowned examples ofthe way the media, and newspapers in particular, main-ever, more contemporary reports on homicide cases involv-been increased by the desire of newspapers to make speciÞcevents newsworthy. The case of Christopher Clunis (anout by mentally ill people in the community. Clunis (Brindle 1993). Moreover, the theme underpinningthis individual. The audienceÕs moral boundaries in moderncase represents an important chapter in the problems sur-rounding community care, as the ofÞcial reports on thepetence and sensibility into such a news story (Katz 1987).In summary, these points illustrate the character oftypes of people with mental illnesses. Unfortunately, theThe relationship between Þlm representation and newspaper reporting of mental illnessthe relationship between Þlm representation and newspa-are identiÞable by their aim to communicate societal valuesvia symbolic forms. These representations, however, maymay be that Þctional characters are used to represent Ômen-tal illnessÕ in Þlm, and the characters found in newspaper media and other aspects of our lives (Connell 1986). Thiswell-established characteristics of Þlm representations (i.e.individual point of view, symbolic representation and audi-ence pleasure, gratiÞcation and entertainment) (Curran &Sparks 1991), and the methods used in newspaper report-ing (i.e. Þxed vs. open meanings, newsworthiness, code ofpublic problems and personal competence) (Jacobs 1996).Moreover, these characteristics all have a part to play inment, in making things as they areÕ (Connell 1986, p. 92).Perhaps this is fundamental to our culture today. Myth,media is our cultureÕs only way of understanding, express-its own identity as a culture (OÕSullivan try and draw some analogy between Þctional and real rep-violent situation (at the extreme, homicide). Obviously, thesented in Þlms such as Psycho, Halloween, Friday the 13th,Silence of the Lambs and Single White Female (Torrey1994). In our culture phenomenons such as Þction, realityand myth exist, they are used, they operate together. It isthis that is so intrinsic to the relationship between Þlm rep-in this paper. There is much that can be said about televi-sion for example (news, documentary, Þlm, etc.). There isalso a wide range of other Þlm representations that couldhave been discussed in more detail (see Hyler 1988 for anoverview). Yet, this paper has aimed to re-examine and dis-images on audiences (the public). But, as Tester (1994, p.sible, perhaps, to offer any deÞnitive answer to this ques-removed from each other. Therefore, an exact ÔdeÞnitiveÕresented) may never be found. However, this kind of con-relationship between the media and mental illness (TesterInstead, a number of fundamental concepts have been Ôbor-rowedÕ from the Þeld of media and cultural studies, andapplied to contemporary and historically signiÞcant Þlmences gain pleasure, gratiÞcation and entertainment. Thus,ences and media consumption (McQuail 1972, Morley1980, Curran & Sparks 1991). However, they also remainremoved from Ôbroader social determinationsÕ (Curran &Sparks 1991). Newspaper reports continue to focus on badillness, and Þlms still use psychiatry and mental illness as anexcuse for depicting violence and horriÞc crimes (e.g.Secondly, audiences viewing contemporary Þlms depict-processing of the intended message. Subsequently, there is afundamental ßaw in research studies attempting to provideillness (Appleby & Wessely 1988, Philo . 1994, Anger-meyer & Matschinger 1996), and therefore public attitudesmust be inßuenced. Current investigations should endorseÞlm representations draw upon an audienceÕs knowledge ofmental illness (right or wrong: it usually involves danger-ousness and violence) in order to maintain interest (Allen& Nairn 1997). Thus, in this process audiences do becomeillness (Barthes 1972). This is not to discount the methods Gilman S.L. (1988) from Madness to AIDS.Cornell University Press, London.Hall S. (1980) Encoding/decoding. 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