David R Mares Institute of the Americas Chair for InterAmerican Affairs Director Center for Iberian and Latin American Studies Professor Political Science UCSD Hugo Chavez 1980s amp 1990s Lost Decades ID: 564239
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Slide1
Venezuela’s 2012 Presidential Election
David R.
Mares
Institute
of the Americas Chair for Inter-American Affairs
Director, Center for Iberian and Latin American Studies
Professor, Political Science
UCSDSlide2
Hugo ChavezSlide3Slide4
1980s & 1990s “Lost Decades”
GDP avg annual growth rate of 1% 1985–2003
1998 real wages were less than 40% of 1980 level
Purchasing power of the minimum wage 1994 is 1/3 that of 1978
% pop below poverty line: 1984 36%, 1995 66%
% pop in extreme poverty: 1984 11%, 1995 36%
Per capita social spending 1993 60% of 1980Slide5
“Venezuela is Rich”
Economic Inequality
70% agricultural land owned by 3% of agricultural proprietors (among highest levels of land concentration in LA)
Income share poorest 40% of population
1981 19.1%
1997 14.7%
Income share top 10% of population
1981 21.8%
1997 32.8%
government’s share of oil revenue
1981 71%
2000 39%Slide6
Chavez’ Rise
18 months before 1998 election, lagging in 3
rd
place in polls; adopts pledge to call for a new constitution to end
Partidocracia
and bring “ revolutionary change”
1998 Patriotic Pole (Polo Patriótico—PP), an alliance of his own Fifth Republic Movement (Movimiento Quinta República—MVR) and two other leftist parties, Homeland for All (Patria Para Todos—PPT) and Movement Toward Socialism (Movimiento al Socialismo—MAS)
1998 Gets more votes than any other candidate in history
1999 New Constitution ratified by 72% vote
2000 Chavez elected President under new constitution with 60% vote
2001 Begins to implement the radical transformation of Venezuela’s political economySlide7
National Strikes, 2001 & 2002PDVSA led
AD/COPEI marginalized
Coup attempt April 2002
US recognize new govt
Street demonstrations raise spectre of ungovernability
Military brings back Chavez
Recall election focus by opposition
Chavez obstruct
US Democracy aidAugust 2004 Chavez gets 58%December 2005 ElectionsOpposition pulls out of Legislative elections
Chavistas win all seats
Political PolarizationSlide8
Fundamentals of Chavez’ Program
Expensive Goals
Large population with high levels of poverty that have to be reduced
Foreign policy activism against Global Liberalization
Global Liberalization severely limit pace of domestic distribution and redistribution
Program Based on Revenues generated by energy exports
Great inefficiencies increases costs of Program
Political instability at home means need to speed up program; more $ up frontSlide9
Chavez:
Domestic Political Strategy
CAUDILLO
Fear implications of institutionalization on his freedom of action
Cabinet/Agencies: Personal, not political, links to Leader
Minimal constraints mean continued policy ‘instability’
Army
Purge & Politicize
Intelligence & control within
bureaucracy
‘People’s’ Militia
People
Purge & Politicize
Vote
Demonstrate/Counter-demonstrateSlide10
Domestic Challenge
“Direct Democracy” means need to build & consolidate credibility w/people to sustain loyalty
Ideology – ‘Socialism’ ‘Bolivarian’
Influenced by International Strategy
Distribution – High Profile & Consistent
Cost to Opposition – Imposed by Chavez; incoherence of oppositionSlide11
Keys to Chavez Electoral Strength
Direct distribution of benefits
Poverty rates have fallen by 50%
Employment and foreign exchange politicized
Missions provide health, education, welfare
Opposition’s lack of legitimacy among lower middle class and the poor
Polls demonstrate that Venezuelans don’t believe in ‘socialism of the 21
st
century’ and do value democracy. Slide12
Social Missions
Robinson Mission
– Literacy
Robinson Mission II
-- Education; primary school
Ribas Mission
– Education; high school
Sucre Mission
– Education: college; UBV in former PDVSA buildingBarrio Adentro Mission – Health; low cost medical services
Mercal Mission
– Food; low cost purchases and production stimuli
Identity Mission – Citizenship; identity cardsVuelvan Caras Mission – Employment; youth job trainingGuaicaipuro Mission – Indigenous rightsSlide13
Challenge for Chavez
His health, rising crime rates, inflation and food shortages
Capital outflow rose 58% to USD 33 billion in 2011
Opposition Candidate Henrique
Capriles
Radonski
platform of inclusiveness, avoids directly attacking Chávez or his social programs
Wants to emulate former Brazilian President
Luiz
Inacio Lula da Silva’s pro-business policies and expansive social programs Capriles’ image as a youthful, serious and capable politician who will manage the country well for the benefit of all Venezuelans.VÍCTOR SALMERÓN| EL UNIVERSAL http://www.eluniversal.com/economia/120315/venezuelas-capital-outflow-climbs-to-usd-33-billion-in-2011
March 15, 2012
Slide14
Chavez Campaign Needs $$$
Oil production declining
1998 3.3mbd
2011 government claims 3mbd, a decline of 10%
OPEC says 2.37 million barrels a day in December 2011.
In 2011, the government and PDVSA floated $17 billion in bond sales and raised perhaps another $10 billion in Chinese loans in exchange for oil.
According to some analysts, these loans are short term (8 months) and carry a 7% interest rate.
For 2012, Chávez is expected to seek up to $12 billion in bond sales largely to support social programs during the electoral campaign.Slide15
FDI?
Policy changes, small but reflect this need
PDVSA subsidiary may be opened to private capital through the Hong Kong Stock Exchange
first state divestment offered in Orinoco heavy oil belt since 2008 nationalization
PDVSA will award CITIC (China) a 10% share in the
Petropiar
JV for US$1bn.
PDVSA 60% Chevron 30% CITIC 10%Slide16
Chinese Loans?
China provides those to gain preferential access to Venezuelan resources.
If Chavez is doing poorly in the electoral campaign or his health becomes a more active concern, the Chinese will likely start thinking about putting their relationship with Venezuela on a more commercial basis.
If Chávez loses the presidency, the Chinese loans that Chávez has used for political gain provide no advantage
the debt burden for the new government with disproportionately little to show for it could lead Chavez’ successor to favor non-Chinese partners in future projects.Slide17
Will Democracy Survive?
Should Chávez die or be too ill to run in the October elections, he and those partisans dedicated to the Bolivarian Revolution will have to decide how to deal with a highly likely opposition victory.
Defense Minister Rangel has said in the past that the military cannot accept an opposition victory.Slide18
Modeling electionsSlide19
Opposition wins the October 2012 Elections and Chavez/successor annuls elections
Domestic and international observers declare that the opposition candidate has won the presidential election.
Chávistas
, with or without Chávez, take to the streets, creating chaos.
Government declares that U.S. imperialism has tainted the elections
calls on the Army and Bolivarian militia to restore order
imposes order for a future election at a time to be determined by the government after the ‘sovereignty of the Venezuelan electorate’ has been restored.
Masked people threw firebombs & attempted to steal ballot boxes during the December 2011 elections for student government in the Central University, in which Chávez’ candidate was trounced.
The U.S. government will impose sanctions on Venezuela