The abortion - PDF document

The abortion law reform in Ireland
The abortion law reform in Ireland A process-tracing study on the role of issue networks in gender policy questions Anna Reje Bachelor Thesis, Spring 2019 Department of Government Political Science, C Supervisor: Markus Gossas Word count:11 781 Abstract This thesis examines the repeal of the eight amendment of Ireland’s constitution in 2018. The thesis builds on the concept of how issue networks can succeed to push for gender policy reforms when there is a favourable opportunity context in State institutions. The fit also depends on the Church-State Relations. This paper examines Htun’s framework on issue networks and how they can fit into State institutions. We observe a few prominent advocacy groups prior and during the general election in 2016. The result shows how issue networks in Ireland had access and leverage to affect policy process. This is explained by the tension in relations between Church and State which made issue networks more successful. The window of opportunity due to the general election and the Citizen’s Assembly gave leverage to issue networks to promote policy change in abortion. Table of Content Abstract ........................................................................................................................................ 1. Introduction ......................................................................................................................... 1 1.1 Background .................................................................................................................. 1 2. Previous research .................................................................................................................... 3 2.1 Mala Htun and Latin America .......................................................................................... 5 2.2 Abortion in Nicaragua and Colombia ............................................................................... 6 3. Theoretical framework ........................................................................................................... 7 3.1 Definitions ........................................................................................................................ 7 3.1.1 The Fit ........................................................................................................................ 7 3.1.2 Gender policies ..................................

.......................................
........................................................................ 7 3.1.3 Framing ...................................................................................................................... 7 3.2 Issue Network ................................................................................................................... 8 3.3 State Institutions ............................................................................................................... 8 3.4 Church and State Relations ............................................................................................... 9 3.5 The fit between issue networks and State institutions .................................................... 10 4. Method ................................................................................................................................. 11 4.1 Case Selection ................................................................................................................. 11 4.2 Process-tracing ................................................................................................................ 12 4.3 Material ........................................................................................................................... 13 4.4 Operationalization .......................................................................................................... 14 5. Analysis ................................................................................................................................ 15 5.1 Historical background to the eight amendment .............................................................. 15 5.2 Issue networks ................................................................................................................ 17 5.2.1 Abortion Rights Campaign ...................................................................................... 17 5.2.2 The Coalition of Repeal the Eight Amendment ....................................................... 18 5.2.3 NGO’s ...................................................................................................................... 19 5.3 State Institutions ............................................................................................................. 19 5.3.1 Citizen’s assembly ................................................................................................... 21 5.4 Chu

rch and State relations ..............
rch and State relations .............................................................................................. 21 5.5 Fitting issue networks to State institutions ..................................................................... 22 6. Conclusion ............................................................................................................................ 25 7.0 References .......................................................................................................................... 25 1 1. Introduction 1.1 Background On the international women’s day, the eight of March 2017, several protesters went out on strike in Ireland. The reason for the strike was a concern that had been on the agenda for years and had sparked a debate: the restrictive abortion laws. The eight amendment of Ireland’s constitution states that the right to life for the foetus is equal to the right to life of the bearing mother, which makes abortion illegal. The protests that took place with over 10 000 protesters around the republic called for an abolition of the eight amendment (Edwards & Flaherty, 2017). The strike with the name “Strike 4 repeal” urged people to leave the office for the day and take to the streets to pressure the government to change the abortion legislation (ibid.). The “Strike 4 Repeal” movement is a group of activists from different areas, academics, agents from trade unions as well as artists, that work together in a non-affiliated group for the change of the constitution in Ireland (Strike 4 Repeal 2017). They emphasize the need for a constitutional change since the current legislation is a violation of human rights and the support for a repeal of the eight amendment has a nationwide spread (ibid.). Little more than a year after the strike, Ireland was covering the headlines again. This time for a referendum concerning the eight amendment, which was in fact the reason for the strike the previous year. The government decided to hold a referendum which would repeal the eight amendment and therefore making abortion legalized in Ireland for the first time since the amendment was introduced in 1983. The referendum resulted in what was described as a landslide victory for the yes voters with about 66 % of the votes. The referendum pushed the Irish government to cut the eight amendment from the constitution and to draft a new

abortion legislation (The Guardian 20
abortion legislation (The Guardian 2018b). Leading up to the referendum on the 24th of May 2018, there has been a continuous debate concerning the abortion legislation since the amendment was instituted in 1983. The Irish abortion legislation has over the years several times received heavy criticism from international non-governmental organisation such as Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch (Amnesty International 2013; Gerntholtz 2010). Ireland have also received critiques directed the United Nations Human rights Committee and explicitly said that their abortion legislation violates human rights (United Nations 2017). Ireland has, up until this year when the eight amendment was abolished, had one of the most restrictive abortion laws in Europe (Gerntholtz 2010). Ireland has historically been a 2 conservative nation with strong ties to the Catholic Church (Adshead & Millar 2003). The influence from the Church is still present if you look at the constitution today. In the preamble to the constitution they refer to the Holy trinity as the authority of the country and how all the people of Ireland have obligations to Jesus Christ (Bunreacht na hÉireann 1937). Ireland also struggled long before divorce was legalized in 1995, yet divorce is still only allowed if the couple has met some criterions. For examples couples that want to dissolve marriages still today must firstly live separated for 4 out of 5 years before asking for a divorce (Crowley 2018). Nevertheless, Ireland has managed over the years to challenge their reputation as a catholic country to become a more liberalised nation. Equal marriages for all are allowed since 2015, where a referendum made Ireland the first country in the world to legalize same-sex marriage through a referendum (McDonald 2015). There is various research on abortion legislation, family equality and divorce within the political science field. Mala Htun conducted research in Latin America concerning gender policy reforms such as abortion and divorce. Her research in Sex and the State shows the opportunities and failures of different kinds of gender policy reforms and why they succeed or not. Her research emphasises issue networks, that is an elite group of feminist activists, lawyers and doctors that all work together for specific policy issues and how they can explain progress in policy reforms concerning gender. Issue networks have a

chance to succeed based on timing, th
chance to succeed based on timing, the State institutions and the Church-State relationships. Htun’s research is centred in Latin American countries, however there are several similarities to Ireland as a country. Ireland has a history of strong influence from the Catholic Church which have restricted progress in gender policy reforms like divorce, same-sex marriage and abortion. In the conclusion of her research book, she states that Ireland as a case study is relevant due to the long struggle to legalize divorce and abortion because of religious institutions influence over policies. We will focus on Ireland as a case study for this paper since it is a country that hasn’t been tested with Htun’s theory and for the historical factors that falls within Htun’s theory. Therefore, an application of her theoretical framework on Ireland can shed light on how issue networks can influence gender policy reforms in a new context outside of Latin America (Htun 2003, 178-179). This thesis aims to test Htun’s theory on the case of Ireland’s abortion reform. Ireland as a case is appealing since it is close in time and the country’s history of very close Church and State relations which have influenced political decisions. The country’s long struggle to pursue gender policy reforms with divorce and abortion is proof of this. Htun’s specifically highlights Ireland as a suitable case for her theoretical framework in her research presented in Sex and the 3 State (ibid.). Previous research from the Department of Government at Uppsala University has applied Htun’s framework to the question of abortion in two separate Latin American countries (Reuterswärd et al. 2011). With this thesis we aim to broaden the perspective on gender policy reforms and the understanding for which actors influenced the abortion legislation in our specific case. 1.2 Research question To trace the course of events that led to the referendum and the decision about a change in abortion legislation we use the following question. To what extent can the Irish abortion reform be explained by the concept of liberal issue networks ability to hook into State institutions? 2. Previous research Earlier research when it comes to abortion has focused a lot on how abortion is framed and how this can be used in favour for groups wanting to restrict the abortion rights. Heumann (2005) argues in his paper for the importance

of looking at abortion as a discussion b
of looking at abortion as a discussion between different actors and perspectives. Heumann uses the Foucault approach concerning the importance of discourses in Nicaragua and how this can be applied in the directions of the different sides of the movement and how they shape the abortion discourse. The “pro-life movement” in Nicaragua claimed the right to life of the foetus and therefore could frame abortion as a sin by support from the Catholic Church doctrine. In addition, they used scientific arguments as a fertilized egg in the womb should be considered a life from the start of the fertilization. The pro-life movement prospered due to their success in framing the abortion question as a matter of defending the life of the unborn. By mixing scientific arguments with the ethical claims from the Catholic tradition they had support for framing abortion as a sin and they were able to resort to ethical claims already deeply rooted in society. They also had strong political support from several parties and gained wide support from the public due their integrated discourse. On the contrary, the women’s movement who were in favour of therapeutic abortions struggled with a unified discourse on the issue. The leadership tried to reclaim abortion as a women’s right issue, rather than a moral issue but struggled with issues concerning fear to speak out about abortion. Due to the constraints within the movement about the discourse, difficulties in mobilizing the whole movement occurred. The outcome was a low mobilizing capacity which is explained by the need for a greater recognition of personal experience with abortion to success framing the abortion as a women’s right. Heumann highlights the importance to have a unified contextual 4 understanding within movements and not to solely focus on a change of legislation. Conclusively, the research shows how the gendered discourse and political actions affect the discussion in abortion and how the conceptualization affects the success (Heumann 2007). Maldonado’s article in Global Public Health concerns the different actors in the struggle for abortion rights. He stresses the use of framing of abortion as a health issue and human right, rather than an ethical issue and how the result of a liberalisation of the abortion right was a result from strategic planning by bigger organisations and the impact of social movements. Also, his study show that the legislation has been e

asily affected by conservative grou
asily affected by conservative groups in government that later have challenge the decriminalization of abortion. They do this by trying to reclaim the question about abortion as a moral question rather than a public health issue. (Maldonado 2018, 11). Kane has also emphasised in his article the importance of framing abortion as a reproductive health question, rather than a question that should be dominated by Church influence. By doing so, the movement towards abortion liberalisation can find support from international law and counter the religious movements. Kane also brings up a very important factor of strong coalitions to pursue policy change. Larger activist groups can work together to recruit expertise from different areas such as medical communities, legal workers and human-right organisations. This gives the movement the actual possibility to grant people access to abortion, but it also gives the movement legitimacy due to the high positions of legal workers, doctors etc. (Kane 2008). The previous research all emphasise framing of abortion and how this can help abortion get a new context (Heumann 2007; Kane 2008; Maldonado 2018). In addition, research has shown how the different actors central in the process of abortion and the need for a unified consensus concerning the meaning of abortion (Heumann 2007). In Heumann’s work the pro-life movement succeeded with creating a unified view on the meaning of abortion along with having public support and political support from parties. The Women’s Movement struggled with a consensus on how abortion should be framed and couldn’t unify the movement which created a low mobilizing movement (Heumann 2007). Kane mentions the work of activist groups to liberalise abortion due to the legitimacy of experts supporting the groups (Kane 2008). These different research models offer insight in what a complex question abortion is. To better understand how the abortion reform took place in Ireland we need to understand the contextual factors. Conclusively, we must consider how abortion is framed by the different reform groups in Ireland and the opposition as well. Kane’s research in Latin America points out how expert 5 groups can push for policy change with support from international law and that experts give legitimacy to a movement based on their expertise from legal and medical communities. This also has to do with framing of the abortion question as a question of

reproductive health (Kane 2008).
reproductive health (Kane 2008). The earlier mentioned research emphasises the need to investigate how abortion is framed from different groups’ standpoints (Heumann 2007. In addition, we also must grasp further how issue networks can use their expertise to bring change to the legislation. To understand how and when issue networks can succeed we need to understand the concept of window of opportunity in State institutions. Mala Htun has in her research emphasised the relation between a strong unified network that can thrive when there is a window of opportunity and possibility for these networks to hook into State institutions (Htun, 2003). 2.1 Mala Htun and Latin America Mala Htun did research concerning abortion reforms, divorce legalisation and Family Equality in three Latin American countries. Her research in Argentina, Brazil and Chile surrounds the last period of the 20th century where she aims to find out how countries meet gender issue in their policy reforms. The book builds on her empirical examples from transition from military regimes to democratic ones, how the relations between Church and State developed and the concept of issue networks. Issue networks aims to implement liberal or feminist ideas. She finds that the interplay between issue network that promote liberal ideas and State institutions that give leverage to these networks defines whether policy change can happen. Her finding says that democratic regimes not necessarily always promote liberal views, it could also open the door for illiberal groups and conservative influence such as Church and anti-abortion groups (Htun 2003, 20-22). Also, a fundamental aspect for the opportunity for gender policy reforms comes from the relationship between Church and State, especially if the State needs the Church’s political support. In countries where most of the population is catholic, the Catholic Church have strong political power and might be seen as something that legitimize State policies. Progress during the 19th and 20th century introduced secularization of Church and State and that gave governments control for institutions that was earlier ruled by the Church in Latin America. The Church as an institution to protect ethical questions like reproductive rights and family values has not changed as progressively. Liberal movements of abortion and divorce aren’t as successful when political institutions ar

en’t willing to risk losing an import
en’t willing to risk losing an important political ally. 6 When there is a conflict in Church-State relations the possibility for liberal issue networks to succeed to push forward gender policy is more likely (Htun 2003, 22-23). Her whole book results in a theoretical framework which stress the importance of having a unified issue networks to create an agenda for gender issue. Equally as important for the reform to take place is the ability for these networks to “hook into” State institutions. The accessibility is a question of timing as well as a favourable opportunity context within State institutions and the leverage given to these networks (Htun 2003). 2.2 Abortion in Nicaragua and Colombia Inspiration for this paper and to apply Htun’s framework to the question about abortion comes from a similar study conducted at the Department of Government at Uppsala University. Reuterswärd et al. used Htun’s framework to research the change in abortion legalisation in Colombia and Nicaragua. The two countries abortion legislation changed during the same period, but in two different directions. Colombia went from having an abortion legislation against abortion to liberalise their legislation while Nicaragua criminalized all kinds of abortions (Reuterswärd et al. 2011). The article confirms Htun’s theory about how a window of opportunity shapes the ability for issue networks to fit into political institutions and therefore push forward gender policy reforms. The study also found some criticism towards Htun’s framework and how it could be developed further. They argue that the role of State institutions fails to see the specific impact of legislative institutions. The authors argue that Htun’s framework which emphasise the impact of State institutions might neglect the importance of a judiciary and this should be paid more attention to (ibid.). In their research in Colombia and Nicaragua, the impact from an independent Constitutional Court proved to have a big impact whether gender policy reforms could happen. Despite that the legislative establishments could be included in the variable State institutions, they argue that Htun’s theory should emphasize the effect the judicial have on changing policy reforms. In Colombia the abortion ban was lifted in 2006. Due to an independent constitutional court, the issue networks could file a lawsuit directly to the court wit

hout having to go through the national
hout having to go through the national assembly. Reuterswärd et al. points to this as something that had a huge impact on the outcome in the decriminalization of abortion in Colombia. Also, they consider the window of opportunity provide in Htun’s theory is not enough to explain the importance of timing when it comes to 7 national political events and how this creates an opportunity context where reforms can succeed (ibid.). Despite the concern for limitation of Htun’s theory according to Reuterswärd et al., we will in this paper apply her theory and test the factors that can explain gender policy reforms. In Reuterswärd et al.’s research, the limitation had to do with contextual specific factors and doesn’t guarantee the same outcome in the case study of Ireland. Therefore, we will apply Htun’s theoretical framework to the empirical material found on Ireland. 3. Theoretical framework 3.1 Definitions 3.1.1 The Fit When Htun explains the theoretical framework, emphasis lays on how issue networks can “hook into” State institution. The fit between issue networks and State institutions is explained as how the institutional structure can let groups influence policy change and give them leverage to do so. The political system, the different governmental institutions and the political rules all shape the political institutions. This overall structure can give leverage to movements and groups, but also exclude groups. This means that the success of a movement or issue networks is not only about the success to mobilize a big group, but also the leverage that is created by political institutions and how it is directed towards a certain group. (Skocpol 1995, 54). 3.1.2 Gender policies Gender policies or gender rights are terms that can be interpreted in broad aspects. In this paper the definition refers to how Htun explains it in the context of policy reforms. According to the framework, gender policy means legal regulations such as abortion law, gender equality within families and divorce legislation (Htun 2003, 4). 3.1.3 Framing Framing here is understood as the technique used by networks to create a certain discourse around a specific issue. Framing helps to emphasize the important aspects of what you want to highlight, while simultaneously minimizing other aspects of it. Issue-framing is designed to focus the debate around a problem in a particular way. This could be by the one usi

ng framing using certain words or phras
ng framing using certain words or phrases to create an interpretation of an issue (Templeton 2011). 8 3.2 Issue Network The concept of issue networks includes several different actors who all work towards the same goal. Issue networks include persons which have a certain knowledge about a specific area. This includes direct lobbying groups, people with expertise competencies, professional advocates and State officials with special focus on policy interests, as well as grassroot movements in social questions (Htun 2003, 5). Htun’s book which is focused on gender-related questions in Latin American countries find feminists included in issue networks to promote women’s emancipation as well as jurists who want to liberalise and promote legal change. Issue networks which advocated for gender rights reforms were the main activists in the movement. Issue networks are elite networks that have gathered around this specific policy question. The actors in the network range from legal workers, doctors, legislators, media representatives, associations and grassroots movements (Htun 2003, 5). Htun argues that these issue networks might evolve from social movements, however social movements are a consist of a more scattered group of people and a broader movement. Social movements can also work for a normative change in collective identity or instrumental change. Issue networks are exclusively focused on a specific area of interest and to promote change through policy reforms. The policy area is the main subject for the different individuals or organisations included in the network and is not defined by their separate occupations or ideology (Htun 2003, 15). 3.3 State Institutions From an institutional perspective, regime type, governing institutions as well as electoral systems shape the opportunity for policy reforms to happen. (Htun 2003, 17). Htun divides regime types into two sub categories consisting of military governments and democratic governments (ibid.). Regardless that military governments or democratic governments as regime type is an important aspect to look at in Latin America, it doesn’t apply to the case of Ireland since the abortion legislation happened in a democratic government. Hence, we will focus on the institutional differences within a democratic government and how different State institutions give leverage to issue networks. Features of the State

includes party system and electora
includes party system and electoral rule such as majority rule or proportional rule which decides on the proportion of parties in government. The power division between the executive power, legislative power and judiciary also influence how policy reforms are handled (Htun 2003, 174). For example, Reuterswärd et al. found that the timing of elections 9 affected the debate around abortion in both Nicaragua and Colombia. In Nicaragua, the abortion question was one of the most important prior to the election and the reform proposal was introduced around ten days before the election. Thus, the Church, who had huge public support, used this window of opportunity to push for stricter abortion laws since most of their supporters were against abortion. For this reason, almost all parties except one voted in favour of the bill to gain votes for the upcoming election and this blocked any potential influence from women’s movement. (Reuterswärd et al. 2011). What the reform in Nicaragua also shows is how party coalitions affects the ability for issue networks to hook into State institutions. Since a clear majority of the parties decided to restrict the abortion legislation they could block the women’s movement and give access to pro-life movements over the women’s movement. This is an example on how the State institutions are important to understand when, how and if issue networks can influence gender policy reforms (ibid). In our case we will look at how the characteristics of the Irish State affect policies. We therefore need to discover what party system Ireland has, the balance of power and the electoral rules to draw conclusions how this affected the outcome in our case. Another important aspect is to discover the leverage the State has given to the groups that can influence the outcome of a policy reform, namely issue networks and the Catholic Church. 3.4 Church and State Relations Another key factor for issue networks’ success to hook into State institutions is the relationship between Church and State. The history of the Roman Catholic Church can show how earlier legislation has been very influenced by Catholic ethic values when it comes to male authority, criminalization of abortion and ban on divorce. In Latin America, a gender law liberalisation inspired by feminism and liberalism replaced the earlier traditional laws. Gradually, the Catholic doctrine did in fact accept gender equality within th

e household. However, the acceptance to
e household. However, the acceptance to allow divorce and decriminalize abortion was never a part of the Catholic doctrine (Htun 2003, 23-24). The Church was determined to protect life under all circumstances and did not support divorce. During the 20th century, a growing critical movement towards the Church challenged them to either give in to reforms or contest them. Whether they contested reforms or not, it created a window of opportunity for liberal issue networks to influence policies (ibid.). There have been periods of Church-State cooperation where the State could gain support from the Church and advance politically. However, when conflict between State and Church has 10 occurred, liberal oppositions can use the window of opportunity to produce gender policy reforms (ibid.). Htun argues that the strong catholic tradition in countries helped to uphold social control by the means of health care, education and records of the population. This is one factor that is important to look at when examination the role of the Church in Ireland. In addition to this, the Church has had a major influence when it comes to ethical questions and prevailed as a protector of common ethics. If the State and Church have had close ties, the government might risk losing an important political ally and therefore have been reluctant to interfere with questions that the Church have strong opinions about. However, if there the relationship crack between the State and Church, there is an ideal time for other influences to come around. In our case, this could be liberal or feminist issue networks urging for liberal gender policy (Htun 2003, 24). 3.5 The fit between issue networks and State institutions Conclusively, all the factors above influence how well issue networks fit into State institutions. The issue networks, which consist of lawyers, feminist, liberals could pursue gender equality within family. A democratic regime gave way for multiple party systems and influence on public policy. When cracks have occurred in the Church-State relationship, the liberal movements have benefitted and been able to influence the State in gender policy questions (Htun 2003, 24-25). The fit is between the issue networks that demands reform and State institutions which hold the power to implement reform (Reuterswärd et al. 2011). The fit depends on the political features of State

intuitions that we mentioned above and
intuitions that we mentioned above and the current relationship between Church and State. The concept of opportunity structures comes from Tarrow and is explained as the critical time when networks can promote their agenda (Tarrow 1998). Combining the political features in the country and State institutions with Church-State relation in conjunction with the window of opportunity, we can see the fit in Htun’s theory where issue networks can promote policy reforms. Htun’s framework is therefore emphasizing this interplay between actors and institutions and how this affects policy change (Htun 2003). We will go through all these institutional aspects, the Church and States relationship in Ireland historically and what actors were central in the process in forming the new abortion legislation. 11 Figure 1.2 The fit between issue networks and the State (Htun, 2003, 24) 4. Method 4.1 Case Selection Ireland is a country with a majority of catholic residents and the Church influence has been predominant during the 19th and 20th century (Hogan 1987). It has had one of the most restrictive abortion legislations in Europe, together with Malta and Poland up until the 1st of January this year when its new abortion legislation was introduced (Gerntholtz 2010). When the eight amendment was introduced, the Catholic Church was one of the main actors in the pro-amendment campaign (Field 2018, 610). Over the years, the dominance of the Catholic Church in Ireland has been challenged by more liberal tendencies in the legislation and the previous ban on divorce has been lifted (McDonald 2018b). Liberal laws allowing for same-sex marriages has also been introduced in the last years (McDonald 2015). Ireland makes for an interesting case-study due to the quick change from a very predominant catholic country to becoming a more liberal one. Why this has happened could be explained by the theory we are using, and we want to explore if issue networks have been a central part in the movement of changing the abortion legislation. There has been a vast media coverage of Ireland during the last few years concerning their strict abortion laws and several international institutions has criticised the laws which could account for the liberalisation (United Nations 2017; Gerntholtz 2010; Amnesty International 2013). Since the theory emphasise issue "Fit"Policy ChangeExpert commissionsConfiguration of DemocraticInstitutions

(authoritarian legacy, party system, e
(authoritarian legacy, party system, exec. women's agencies)Church-state relatonsshipIssue networkFeministLawyersPoliticianDoctorsThe Media12 networks as central parts for gender policy reforms and emphasises the Church-State relations, Ireland is a very good case to make a theory testing process-tracing thesis. 4.2 Process-tracing Knowing that the outcome in Ireland is a legislative reform about abortion, the method will be to trace the mechanism that triggered the policy reform. This thesis will explore these mechanisms with empirical material to find intervening variables and possible explanations according to Htun’s theory in form of a process-tracing. Process-tracing aim to recognise intervening causal mechanism and causal chain reaction between the independent variables and the dependent variable. In our case, the dependent variable is the legislative change in abortion law and the independent variables would be the causal mechanism consisting of the factor’s emphasised in Htun’s theory that can cause policy reforms on gendered questions. George and Bennett describe varieties of process-tracing in their research book Case Studies and Theory Development in the Social Science (George and Bennett 2005). This is a suitable method for our case in Ireland since the outcome is already known and we can apply a theory which includes causal mechanisms we can find empirically through observed material. In this paper we aim to apply Htun’s theory to a country outside of the Latin American region and therefore apply the theory to a new context. The causal mechanisms we are going to look at is the relation between the issue networks and if they possibly were able to hook into State institutions due to a window of opportunity and the relation between Church and State. We are not aiming to develop the theory, but rather test it since we are only focusing on a single case. Process-tracing as a method emphasize the connection between the independent variables and if there is a connection, it can exclude indeterminate variables. (George and Bennet 2005). A challenge with having a single-case study and doing a process-tracing is the limitation in theory building (ibid.). However, since we are testing a theory rather than developing this is not seen as a limitation in our case. Previous research has tested Htun’s framework, firstly Htun herself and the studies in Argentina, Brazil and Chile. Since none of those count

ries had liberalised abortion, this mig
ries had liberalised abortion, this might be a problem in the theory and to apply it to an abortion legislation in Ireland. However, Reuterswärd et al. tested Htun’s theory in fact on abortion legislation in two countries and was able to use Htun’s framework which makes our case appealing to such a case-study too (Reuterswärd et al 2011). 13 4.3 Material To analyse the different actors in the debate about abortion and the right for free abortions we will investigate policy document from Irish State institutions, NGO’s Statement and other international organisations policy documents. The study will also look into the previous abortion legislation of Ireland which have changed over the years. News articles and publications will also be investigated to follow the debate over the years. The material will be covering the time from 1980-2019 in Ireland. This is to see how the creation of the abortion legislation was first introduced, how it has been challenged over the years and to understand what factors made a referendum take place and the new legislation to be introduced. To grasp the history of abortion legislation in Ireland this thesis will use a report that contributes with the historical context behind the referendum in relation to Ireland’s earlier abortion regime, previous referendum’s concerning abortion and the important actors in the campaign for the referendum in May 2018 (Field 2018). The emphasis in this thesis lays on the debate within the last few years leading up to the new legislation in 2019, but a segment of a historical context is provided in the first part of the analysis. This is necessary since a lot of the pro-choice groups have emerged from earlier legal cases which have sparked critics towards Irelands abortion ban (see Attorney General V. X 1992; Life During Pregnancy Act 2013). We don’t attempt to make a historical comparison of previous referendums in Ireland concerning abortion to the one held in 2018. However, they are mentioned and explained briefly to grasp better the opportunity context for issue networks and when they succeed to hook into State institutions. Some of the material providing a historical background for contextual factors dates to 1861, when the Offences Against Person Act was introduced. However, they are not analysed as explicitly in the sense of our theory and the main materials still concern actors and policies in the 21st century. Concerning issue networks, th

is thesis intends to research the one
is thesis intends to research the ones who appears to have most influence when it comes to the abortion debate in Ireland. There is a vast range of issue networks that work to either keep the amendment as it is and those who has argued for the need for a constitutional change of the abortion legislation. To value which ones who are most important for the outcome, we will focus on the ones presented most in the media and that has most supporting member in terms of other organisations, experts etc. Also, taking into consideration are the advocacy and interest groups that have submitted Statements to the Citizen’s Assembly prior to their deliberation. This is an important aspect to 14 consider since the Citizen’s Assembly is one way the State institutions give leverage to issue networks which is a part of the theoretical framework. The submissions’ received by the Citizens Assembly came from 126 different networks and therefore all of them can not be considered in the analytical part of this thesis (Citizens Assembly 2017). Thus, the focus place on the advocacy groups we find have been the main actors in the campaign towards a constitutional change. 4.4 Operationalization Htun’s theory is quite simple when it comes to the characteristics of the factors she researches. To grasp what makes issue networks influence State policies we need to look at specific action they do to pursue their agenda. Also, we need to specify how State give leverage to certain groups which affects the way networks can influence policy suggestions. The State institutions as well as Church and State relationships shape the leverage accessible for issue networks to influence gender policy reforms. Nevertheless, as previous research has shown framing of the abortion plays a central role in creating an agenda for groups promoting abortion (Kane 2008; Htun 2003; Heumann 2005). Therefore, in our framework which is built on Htun’s framework, we need to look at in which ways issue networks work to influence States policies and create public awareness. We need to examine how State institutions operates to create access for issue networks and how Church and State relations can interfere for liberal policy reforms to persuade. To examine Church and State relations we can look on how they changed over the last years and if any significant issues have affected the relationship today. The following operationalisation should be regarded in our analysis to research how

the different actors in the theoretical
the different actors in the theoretical framework presented above act and how their interplay influence policy reforms. Issue networks actions: How do they use protests and other methods to influence public opinion. How they use framing of abortion in favour of their opinion and standpoints. State institutions: In which way State institution can give leverage to issue networks that promote liberalisation of abortion. This concerns looking at certain institutions that might have worked in favour for issue networks. We will also look at party dynamics in government and if certain party’s have supported issue networks promoting legislative change. 15 Church and State: How and if the Church and State relationship has weakened. We examine how the influence from the catholic Church have declined over the years and if this could explain why the new abortion reform got support by a majority. 5. Analysis 5.1 Historical background to the eight amendment The eight amendment was introduced after a referendum in 1982. During the beginning of 1980’s, pro-life activist in Ireland feared that abortion might become legal in Ireland. Under British rule, abortion was prohibited through the 1861 Offences Against the Person Act. Yet, Britain had started legalizing abortion in several cases under the 1967 Abortion act. Also, the Rove v. Wade case in the U.S. Supreme Court that declared abortion prohibitions as unconstitutional sparked a fear of liberalisation of the Irish abortion legislation. Thus, the Pro-Life Amendment Campaign formed in 1981 (Field 2018, 609-610). Their goal was to secure a constitutional amendment which would protect Ireland’s abortion ban from judicial decision or legislations to pass bills on legalising abortion. Followed by an intense debate, a referendum concerning to implement the eight amendment was held and voted in favour by 66,9% with a turnout of 53,67% (ibid.). The amendment agreed wording is what follows by article 40.3.3: “The State acknowledges the right to life of the unborn and, with due regard to the equal right to life of the mother, guarantees in its laws to respect, and, as far as practicable, by its laws to defend and vindicate that right” (Department of the Environment, Community and Local Government, 2016, 36). After the referendum passed the new constitutional ban on abortion, Society for Protection of the Unborn Child continued with trying to creative legi

slation prohibiting pregnancy counselli
slation prohibiting pregnancy counselling firms and student unions to provide information about abortion services abroad, which both succeeded in the Supreme Court (AG (SPUC) v Open-Door Counselling [1988] and SPUC v Grogan [1989], respectively). During 1992, the case of a fourteen-year-old who got impregnated by rape brought massive attention towards Irelands abortion legislation, known as the X case (Attorney General v X [1992]). The attorney general was granted an injunction by the High Court to prevent X from travelling outside the country for an abortion. However, X appealed the case successfully to the Supreme Court since they found that the girl’s life was at risk of suicide if she was not granted an abortion. This due to the concept of “equal right to the life of the mother” as the eight amendment of the constitution States. The aftermath of the X case resulted in three referendum’s concerning the eight amendment, the 12th, 13th and 14th 16 amendment that were run alongside the general election in 25 of November 1992 (Field 2018, 611). The 12th amendment concerned excluding the risk of suicide for the mother as an insufficient reason for abortion, but this was not voted in favour and not implemented. The 13th and 14th amendment on the other hand were both voted in favour for, where the 13th amendment constituted the abortion ban wouldn’t limit the freedom to travel abroad for a termination and the 14th amendment constituted that the abortion prohibition wouldn’t limit the distribution of information on how to gain abortion access outside the country (House of Oireachtas, 1992). In 2002, referendums concerning the abortion legislation was held again to further restrict the rights to abortion, this time voting on whether to implement the 25th amendment. Similar to the 12th amendment, the 25th amendment aimed to exclude the risk of suicide of the mother as a valid exception for abortion and create harsher penalties on abortion with prison up to 12 years for a termination. However, the result showed a slightly more support for the no side which gained 50,42% of the votes and therefore the amendment was not introduced. Another significant case in the history of abortion legislation is Ireland was the A, B, C v Ireland case in the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR). The case concerned three women who travelled outside of Ireland to receive abortion treatment in the UK and that the lack of such care in Ire

land would breach the European Conventio
land would breach the European Convention on Human Rights. The convention does not state concerns about abortion specifically, however the ECtHR found that for C in the case the State had breached article 8 of the Convention since Ireland didn’t provide clarity whereas C was allowed an abortion when she thought to have a pregnancy that could be life threating. The Case resulted in the forming of a lobbying group called Termination of Medical Reasons Ireland (Field 2018, 612). The debate concerning abortion in Ireland re-emerged again in 2012 when Savitha Halappanavar passed due to a septic miscarriage. Her pregnancy faced complications that inevitably would cause a miscarriage and requested an abortion but was denied the right to abortion since at the time, the pregnancy did not appear as direct danger to her life. The aftershock of her death caused criticism from both within the country as well as abroad which triggered the pro-choice movement in Ireland to protest and to demand action to be taken from the government. The government responded with implementing what is known as the Life During Pregnancy Act 2013. The legislation gives the right to a legal termination of pregnancies in cases where there is a substantial risk to the life of the mother due to physical illness, as well as pregnancies in the risk of suicide of the mother (Houses of the Oireachtas 2013). This also 17 was the first law drafted that gave affect to the earlier Supreme Court ruling in 1992 decision on the X case (Field 2018, 613). The case of Savitha Halappanavar paved way for the discussion about abortion to be on the agenda again when the general election in 2016 came around. Several grass-roots campaign groups had formed after her death and they were all creating public awareness prior to the election. Groups like Abortion Rights Campaign (ARC), a coalition group named Repeal the Eight Amendment consisting of several different groups supporting to repeal the constitutional ban on abortion, the Termination of Medical Reasons Ireland and the National Women’s Council of Ireland (NWCI) (ibid.). Several political parties promise to put forward a referendum concerning the eight amendment such as the Labour Party, Green Party, Social Democrats amongst them. The Fine Gail party suggested to put forward a Citizen’s Assembly that could deliberate on the issue which was voted in favour of by the Oireachtas and the Citizen’s Assembly was forme

d with 100 members in July 2016 (i
d with 100 members in July 2016 (ibid.). The Citizen’s Assembly consisted of people from a different range of places, gender and ages to maximize the possibility of a balanced and diverse population. They joined in on five meetings concerning the amendment where experts from the legal community, health sector and ethical experts likewise different advocacy groups from both sides of the issue to promote their standpoint. Much of the deliberation processed was held in the public arena with public sessions and a big media coverage. Thus, the expert competence could be accessible to the public which is an important factor (Field 2018, 615). 5.2 Issue networks 5.2.1 Abortion Rights Campaign The abortion rights campaign (ARC) was one of the most influential networks in the process towards a legalisation of abortions in Ireland. They were one of the core groups in the Together for Yes campaign which was a national civil society campaigned that advocated for an abolishment of the eight amendment. ARC works on a grassroot level where they try to take away the stigma surrounding the abortion by promoting public education, work towards public exposition of pro-choice networks and promote policies for legalised, free and safe abortions. They have also done an annual march for the abortion rights since 2012 (Abortion Rights Campaign N.d.). They also were one of the supportive groups of the nationwide Strike 4 Repeal that took place in 8th of March 2018 (Strike For Repeal 2017). 18 The aim of their organisation is not only working with public awareness raising of abortion as something that should be free from stigma and the access should be legal, free and equal. They also want to educate policy makers and the public why there should be the access to free and legal abortions. ARC sent a submission to the Citizen’s Assembly where they implied that the current abortion legislation is forcing women to illegal and unsafe abortions. The framing of their proposal focusses on the women who have been illtreated by the amendment and forced to leave the country to access ordinary medical care. They also repeat how they are carrying the voice of women forced to purchase illegal medication online. Their position concerning abortion is that it’s a woman’s right to medical help and this also falls within international human rights standard. They use the argument of the loss of women during the eight amendment and the many women who are forced to travel abroad to have a

ccess to medical care. They also argue
ccess to medical care. They also argue that the health of women has a bigger value than the constitution gives it (Abortion Rights Campaign 2016). 5.1.2 Together for Yes Together For Yes is an umbrella group composing of more than 70 organisations and groups working from a grassroot level with a widespread support all over Ireland. The aim is to create Ireland to be a country that provides compassionated abortion care. The leading comes from three main organisations: NWCI, the Coalition to Repeal the eight Amendment and ARC. Also, the executive committee has representation from the Irish Family Planning Association. Together For Yes has support from a Strategic Advisory group where several experts concerning the issue are included (Together For Yes 2018). As mentioned earlier, an issue network is defined by the fact that the network is unified around a specific policy question. In the case of Together For Yes, the aim is to influence the Republic of Ireland to provide universal abortion care that is free and accessible to everyone without constraint. The organisation has several different actors from a range of occupations. The members of the board include lawyers, political scientists, political communicators and persons with a broad experience with working within NGO’s (ibid.). 5.2.2 The Coalition of Repeal the Eight Amendment Another major issue network was the Coalition to Repeal the Eight Amendment which have been active since 2013, after the Protection of Life During Pregnancy Act was introduced. The Coalition is the largest civil society group with over 70 organisations from pro-choice organisation, NGO’s, human rights sector and health organisations. They work for the Repeal 19 of the Eight Amendment to give universal right of free, legal and safe abortion. They emphasise this as human rights issue, where the eight amendment prioritises the foetus life over the woman. This is also the discrimination of women’s rights to health and self-determination. In their submission they argue that the public opinion is in favour of a referendum on the eight amendment and use polls from Irish Times and Amnesty International from 2016 to show that a majority of the public wants a referendum on the question (Coalition to Repeal the Eight Amendment 2016, 27). 5.2.3 NGO’s Several international non-governmental organisations have over the years criticized the abortion legislation in Ireland for being degrading towards women and human rights. Amn

esty International and Human Rights Wat
esty International and Human Rights Watch (HRW) have both over the years urged Ireland to follow international laws of Human Rights to provide access for health service to all women in Ireland which they have failed to do (Amnesty International 2013; Gerntholtz 2010). In 2015 the United Nations Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights urged Ireland to amend the constitution, for access to pregnancy termination in Ireland (United Nations 2015). In 2010 Human Rights Watch produced a country report on Ireland concerning their restrictive abortion laws and argued for this going against international laws on health, women’s right and dehumanisation of their basic social rights. They argue for the need to change the laws and decriminalizing abortion since women in Ireland could gain a prison sentence for having an abortion. They frame the question of abortion as women’s right to health and the right to decide over their own reproductive right. Their research builds on interviews conducted in Ireland with several different actors with personal experience from the legislation. This includes health care providers, social activists, lawyers, leaders of women’s movements etc. They use legal frameworks to exercise Human Rights International Law that restriction on abortion interfere with the women’s right to human rights. This also includes the right to information on how to attain health services without discrimination towards all women and girls (Gerntholtz 2010). 5.3 State Institutions Ireland has a separation of power between the legislature (called the Oireachtas), the Executive power (the Government) and lastly the Judiciary (the courts). The constitution of Ireland explains the separation of power, so the institutional organs won’t interfere with each other. The function of the Oireachtas is to create laws and consist of the Lower House and the Upper House (House of the Oireachtas 2018). The constitution of Ireland can only be changed through 20 a referendum and before the referendum takes place, the Government must provide a proposed bill in the Lower House. Then the bill must pass both in the Lower House and the Upper House for the referendum to take place. If the referendum is passed with a majority of votes, the bill will be enacted, and the previous constitution will be amended and replaced. Another factor in Htun’s theory concerning State institution is the party dynamics and the coalition between parties in government. Since parties in go

vernment will vote on bills concerning
vernment will vote on bills concerning suggested reforms, inevitably their political identity and stand on the matter affects whether gender policy will happen (Htun 2003). Ireland has a proportional representative system which each citizen over 18 years are intitled to one vote. A general election must be held at least every five years and the president can sit for seven years. The election is through a ballot paper with an open name list (House of the Oireachtas n.d.). 25 years after the amendment was introduced in 1983, the referendum about appealing the amendment took place. 24th of May 2018, 64,13% of the population came to cast their vote. During the general election in 2016, a lot of grassroot campaigning organisations started lobbying towards parties and to create public awareness. Many of the political parties campaigned by promising to put forward a referendum to abolish the Eight Amendment. Among those parties were Labour, the Green Party, Social Democrats and a few others. Fine Gael used another approach to promise to create a Citizen’s Assembly that could deliberate the issue concerning the amendment. The National Women’s Council of Ireland (NWCI) invited candidates from the Oireachtas to list themselves as supporter for repeal of the eight amendment. The Pro-Life Campaign also had lists with candidates that would be in favour of keeping the eight amendment, so their supporters knew who to vote for (Field 2018). Introducing a Citizen’s Assembly after the election is one way the State give leverage to issue networks. The work of the Citizen’s Assembly included many NGO’s, women’s rights organisations, feminist issue networks and grassroot-movements that submitted their opinions on why a referendum concerning the amendment needed to take place (Laffoy 2017). Also, since the abortion legislation is a constitutional amendment a referendum was the only way to appeal the amendment according to Ireland’s constitution (Bunreacht na hÉireann 1927). As of 2016, prior to the general election, a majority of the political parties officially supported to repeal the eight amendment and the Fine Gael party wanted to introduce a Citizen’s Assembly on the matter (Field 2018, 613). Since public awareness around the issue had risen in the closest years before the election and the pressure from international organisation urged Ireland to change their harsh legislation on abortion, the abortion issue was central

in the general 21 election (Fie
in the general 21 election (Field 2018, 612). Therefore, a window of opportunity opened for issue networks to promote their ideas and to push specific parties to work in favour of their will (Htun 2003). 5.3.1 Citizen’s assembly Already in 2014, David Farrell wrote an article in the Irish Times pushing for the need for a Citizen’s Assembly to deal with the question concerning the eight amendment (Farrell 2014). The decision to form a citizen’s assembly to deliberate on important issues in Ireland came from the Oireachtas in 2016. One of their main discussion points would be the eight amendment to the constitution. The assembly with its 100 selected members deliberated on the Eight Amendment over five weekends. The members were selected on specific criterions to maximise representation in terms of gender, age, social class and regional range (Laffoy, 2017, 43). The Citizens’ Assembly adopted a deliberative model where the members got to hear material from twenty-five different experts over the sessions. This included medical experts, legal professionals and ethical experts’ Statements, in addition to advocacy groups presenting their opinion from both sides of the issue. A big part of the material also consisted of personal stories from the public with testimonies from women personally affected by the amendment that were submitted to the Citizen’s Assembly (Citizens’ Assembly 2017). The expert group had background from the political science field, constitutional law and the medical sphere which gave them relevant experience on the issues discussed. They were also selected on a basis of being impartial on the topics being brought up in the Assembly. The expert group supported the Secretariat in a balanced work programme for the Assembly on the different topics. In addition, they could provide background expert advice on the different issues (Laffoy 2017). After the Citizen’s Assembly deliberation over five weeks was over, The Joint Oireachtas Committee on the Eighth Amendment of the Constitution was established. The Committee’s task was to evaluate the recommendation’s taken by the Citizen’s Assembly and report to the House of Oireachtas (House of Oireachtas 2017). The Committee submitted their report to the Oireachtas in December and in January, the referendum was announced by The Oireachtas. When the Minster of Health announced the referendum he also emphasised the important work made by the Citizen’s Assembly and how their gui

dance has been invaluable (Irish Times
dance has been invaluable (Irish Times 2018). 5.4 Church and State relations The Catholic Church has been an important actor in the Irish society since the split from British rule and dominated the social policies in post-independence Ireland. When Ireland tried to shape 22 their own identity after gaining independence, the catholic Church became a core part of this. The Church had a huge impact on social services and education where they owned many hospitals and schools. The Church impact on the health care meant that the catholic values were also reflected in health care. Thus, the catholic influence of shaping society and the welfare system is an important aspect to understand what kind of influence they have had over the years (Adshead & Millar 2003). However, in recent the years the catholic reputation has backlashed due to several allegations of misconduct within the Catholic Church. The former prime minister directly attacked the Vatican in 2011 and accused them for trying to uphold the Church reputation instead of dealing with their problems of sexual abuse discovered within the Church (McDonald 2011). In 2018, the pope planned a visit to Ireland for the first time since 1979. The country of Ireland has changed quite a bit since the pope’s earlier visit. Divorce is legalized since 1995, same-sex marriages are allowed and the referendum on free abortion had just taken place when he visited in August 2018 (ibid.). Compared to 1979 when around 79% of the population came to support the pope, his visit in 2018 stirred up mixed emotions from the population (ibid.). Protests against the Pope’s visit pointed to the sexual abuse scandal and gathered many people to demonstrate their dislike of his visit. This shows how the aftermath from the abuse scandal and severe misconduct within the Church has not been forgotten by big parts of the Irish population (Carroll 2018). What we can see is a significant change in the relationship between Church and State over the last thirty years in Ireland. In the institutional aspects of it, the Catholic Church still fund most primary schools and have been deeply involved in the medical care (O’toole 2018). The Prime Minister also spoke out directly about the relations stating that the Catholic Church will not be a centre part of the Irish Society anymore (Sherwood 2018b). From when the eight amendment was introduced in 1983, until today the Church-State relationship has changed quite

a bit. The prime minister has publicly
a bit. The prime minister has publicly announced the removal of the Church as a core part of the Irish society which demonstrates the decline of the Church influence in the Irish policy area (Sherwood 2018b.). 5.5 Fitting issue networks to State institutions As previously mention, our theoretical framework emphasises the fit between issue networks and State institution. Issue networks are promoting a certain issue, in our case abortion, and have a large network of legal advocates, medical professionals, feminist activist that work 23 towards influencing policies. The fit is affected by a window of opportunity that is shaped due to what influence State institutions give to advocacy groups and how the current situation between Church and State are. If there is a favourable context for liberal issue networks, they can “hook into” State institution and affect gender policy reform. They fit depends on if there is a window of opportunity due to several aspects of the Government, including what kind of State institutions they have, the current party dynamics in Government or upcoming elections. The other important aspect is if the State and Church have a close relationship, otherwise this might affect issue networks to succeed in pushing forward gender policy reforms (Htun 2003, 174-175). There was a favourable opportunity context for issue networks to promote legislative change in Ireland. Not only had several influential Human Right Organisation urged Ireland to change their legislation according to international human right treaties, but the death of Savitha Halappanavar also caused outrage that sparked the Pro-Choice Movement again (Specia 2018). These events all happened quite close to the general election in 2016 and the abortion question had become a central part of the upcoming election (Field 2018). Thus, the parties needed to form an opinion on the question on abortion. Some petitioned directly for a referendum of the abortion legislation if they were elected and most of the parties were in favour to call a referendum (Field 2018). Another important aspect emphasised in the theory is the relationship between Church and State. The last few years, the Church and State relations in Ireland seem to be declining. This is due to the discovery of sexual abuse within the Catholic Church community and it seem to have had an affect on more than just the public opinion. The eminent cra

ck between the institutions have chall
ck between the institutions have challenged their longstanding relationship (O’toole 2018). In 2011 Prime Minister accused the Vatican for being an elitist institution that is more concern about their reputation rather than dealing with the issues of child sex abuse (McDonald 2011). This is a very big change compared to how big influence the Church has had historically in Ireland. However, this is probably a process that has developed during the years, due to the accusation towards the Church and their less important role in public policy (O’toole 2018). If we look at State institutions, we find that the opportunity was in favour for the issue networks promoting the repeal of the eight amendment. Prior to the general election in 2016, Ireland received massive attention nation- and worldwide due to the death case of Savita Halappanavar. The death triggered demonstration with over 10 000 people that demonstrated against the laws of the Republic. Her face even became a poster for the abortion rights campaign (Specia 2018). 24 When the general election came around, the abortion question was one of the central issues (Field 2018). Most of the parties supported that a referendum took place and one party suggested to have a Citizen’s Assembly discuss on the matter. The Citizen’s Assembly was created with its first task to discuss the eight amendment. This is an important factor, since the draft from the legislation bill started in the Citizen’s Assembly with their ideas before introduced to the Oireachtas (Laffoy 2017). Here the parties in government voted in favour of forming an assembly and this directly gave leverage for issue networks to promote liberal gender reforms. Several issue networks such as ARC, Together For Yes, Amnesty International etc. had the opportunity to send in submissions that the Citizen’s Assembly had to go over (Citizens Assembly 2017.). They received both submissions from pro-choice and pro-life supporting groups. The submission is one way for the issue networks to push for gender policy reforms by drafting a proposal, but also by using framing in their arguments. The main thread

in all the pro-choice group
in all the pro-choice groups such as ARC and Coalition to Repeal the Eight Amendment concerns the discrimination of women when it comes to health and human rights (Abortion Rights Campaign 2016; Coalition for Repeal of the Eight Amendment 2016). Together For Yes, supported by ARC and Coalition for Repeal of the Eight Amendment, was the main campaign for the pro-choice groups. They used medical arguments and pushed for the reproductive health of women. The success of the movement can be explained by the favourable opportunity context. Nonetheless, the fact that most parties supported the Together For Yes campaign also calls for the success of the movement (Field 2018). As mentioned in the theoretical framework, party dynamics affects which policy proposals are voted in favour for (Htun 2003). If a large group of the parties in the Oireachtas are in favour for repealing the 8th, the proposal will easier pass. The abortion reform contests that issue networks were central in the process of promoting the need for an abortion reform. Not least from NGO’s abroad that continually pressured the Irish Government to hold a referendum concerning the eight amendment and how this discriminated women (Amnesty International 2013; Gerntholtz 2010). Nonetheless, the domestic issue networks that arranged demonstration in form of Strike 4 Repeal on the international women’s day 8th of March 2017 (Strike For Repeal). The annual demonstration from Abortion Rights Campaign is another way they have raised public-awareness around the issue with abortion (Abortion Rights Campaign). Whether or not the issue networks have had the predominant impact on the policy reform is almost impossible to tell. Despite this, the issue networks have at least taken away some of the stigma around abortion and the support from the political parties 25 in the Together for Yes campaign signals that it does have an impact on the political decisions (Field 2018, 619). The crack in Church and State relations has also showed coherence with the theory (Htun 2003). 6. Conclusion This thesis aimed to examine to what extent the legislative outcome in Ireland could be explained by issue networks ability to hook into state institutions. Issue networks, a grou

p consisting of health advocates,
p consisting of health advocates, feminist activists, lawmakers, work as a network that mobilize around a certain policy issue. They succeed based on timing and what access they have to state institutions. Ireland as a case seems very consistent with Htun’s theoretical framework. There were several international NGO’s pushing for legislative change in Ireland, as well as national issue networks promoting their agenda through protests and public-awareness. They also acted during a very favourable time just before a general election were many political parties chose to support the pro-choice side. The declining relationship that has gradually damaged the Church and States close relationship also aligns with the theory of what makes issue networks able to hook into state institutions. The affect of the Citizen’s Assembly is a very specific factor for Ireland and is also a way for issue networks to gain access to state institutions. The result seems to be in allegiance with Htun’s theory. However, since this is a single-case study, we can’t generalize this result to another case. This explanation of Htun’s theory might only apply to Ireland in this particular case. In prospect, further research on the area could do a comparative case study with another European country or with similar background as Ireland. This would make the theory testing more precise to figure out what is contextual factors and what could be a further development with the theory. 7.0 References Abortion Rights Campaign. 2016. Abortion Rights Campaign Submission to the Citizens Assembly. Citizen’s Assembly. December 16th. Retrieved from: https://www.citizensassembly.ie/en/Submissions/Eighth-Amendment-of-the-Constitution/Submissions-Received/ [Accessed: 2019-05-12]. 26 Abortion Rights Campaign. N.d. About Arc. https://www.abortionrightscampaign.ie/about-arc/ [Accessed: 2019-05-11]. Adshead, Maura & Millar, Michelle. 2003. Ireland as catholic corporatist State: a historical institutional analysis of healthcare in Ireland. Amnesty International. 2013. Submission to the Joint Oireachtas Committee on Health and Children regarding the Report of the Expert Group on the Judgment in A, B and C v Ireland. Retrieved from: https://www.amnesty.org/download/Documents/12000/eur290012013en.pdf [Accessed: 2019-05-05] Attorney General. V. X. 1992. IESC 1; [1992] 1 IR 1. March 5th. Retrieved from: http://www.bailii.org/ie/cases/IESC/1992/1.html Accesse

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