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Development of Korean Relative Clauses Development of Korean Relative Clauses

Development of Korean Relative Clauses - PowerPoint Presentation

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Development of Korean Relative Clauses - PPT Presentation

in L2 Learners Written Essays 15 th AATK Conference June 26 2010 Washington University in St Louis Sorin Huh University of Hawaii at Manoa Purposes of the Study To examine the development of Korean relative clauses RCs ID: 741670

learners rcs language korean rcs learners korean language acquisition produced clauses relative chn amp level head jpn obl types

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Slide1

Development of Korean Relative Clauses in L2 Learners’ Written Essays

15th AATK ConferenceJune 26, 2010Washington University in St. Louis

Sorin

Huh

University of Hawaii at

ManoaSlide2

Purposes of the Study

To examine the development of Korean relative clauses (RCs) by second language (L2) learners of Korean at the descriptive level by analyzing L2 learners’ written essays using CHILDES.To investigate whether

typological differences

between the target language and learners’ first language (L1) have influence on their acquisition of the Korean RCsSlide3

Characteristics of Korean RCs

Korean RC is prenominal.

No relative pronoun

is involved.

Instead,

relativization

is signaled by a set of

adnominal verbal suffixes

such as

,

,

and

,

which also

express

the tense of the RC.

Movement and

pronominalization

are not involved. Slide4

Characteristics of Korean RCs

Head-external RCs

Head-internal RCs

-

[

NP

[책-을 빌린] 것]-을 돌려 주었다. John-TOP book-ACC borrow-REL.PAST thing-COMP.ACC return-AUX-PAST-DEC.“John returned the book he borrowed.” (from Jeon & Kim, 2007, p. 256)

[NP [ti 아기-를 보-는] 여자i ] baby-ACC see-REL.PRES woman“The woman who looks at a baby.”

Head Noun

Gap

Head NounSlide5

Development of Korean RCs

저 남자 든 것

that man [

lift-

REL.PRES COMP

]

What the man has lifted

Headless RCs

Head-Internal RCs

Head-External RCsL1 (Cho, 1999; Cho & O’Grady, 2009; Y. Kim, 1987; K. Lee, 1991) and L2 acquisition studies (Jeon & Kim, 2007) have shown that Korean RCs develop in the order of

:

No Head NounSlide6

Noun Phrase Accessibility Hierarchy

A typological generalization originally proposed by Keenan and Comrie (1977)

The

relativizability

of noun phrase is in the order of:

SU >

DO >

IO >

OBL >

GEN > OCompSlide7

NPAH and L2 Acquisition

The NPAH was extended to SLA to predict the difficulty order of acquiring RCs.

Research on European RC acquisition confirmed the NPAH. In other words,

subject (SU) RCs are acquired earlier than direct object (DO) RCs

.

(

Eckman

, Bell, & Nelson, 1988;

Gass

, 1979; Doughty, 1999; Izumi, 2003, Hawkins, 1989, Hyltenstam, 1984)The NPAH has been regarded as a universal hierarchy which predicts L2 developmental order of RCs. Slide8

NPAH and L2 Acquisition

Recent findings on the acquisition of East Asian Language (EAL) RCs have challenged the universality of the NPAH.

Japanese

RC acquisition:

Mixed

findings

(

Kanno, 2000, 2001, 2007; Sakamoto & Kubota, 2000 vs. Hasegawa, 2002; Roberts , 2000; Ozeki & Shirai , 2007) Korean RC acquisition: Favorable findings (Huh, in press; Jeon & Kim, 2007; O’Grady et al, 2000, 2003)Slide9

Influence of L1 on L2 RC acquisition

Kanno (2007)Word order: SVO vs. SOVFiller-Gap order

:

Prenominal

(gap-filler) vs.

Postnominal

(filler-gap)

Interestingly, CHN learners did not perform better than other learners with SVO

postnominal

L1. In other words, having prenominal RCs was not advantageous for the CHN learners. In this study, only learners with CHN and JPN L1 backgrounds will be included.Word OrderGap-FillerChinese (CHN)SVOPrenominalJapanese (JPN)SOVPrenominalSlide10

Research Questions

Do L2 learners of Korean show RC developmental order from headless to head-internal to head-external RCs?

Do L2 learners of Korean acquire the Korean RCs in the order consistent with the NPAH?

Does word order difference in L1 and L2 influence learners’ acquisition of the Korean RCs? Slide11

Methods: Korean Learner Corpus

L2 Korean Learner CorpusIn total, 406 essays written by 203 Korean as a second language (KSL) learners from beginning to high-advanced level were included in the analysis.

Among them, 153 were JPN learners and 50 were CHN learners.

Essays were written on various topics.

(e.g., Introducing my family, describing a picture, writing opinions about controversial issues, future plans, etc.)Slide12

Methods: Korean Learner Corpus

CHILDES (McWhinney, 2000)A database of child language transcripts

A system of Codes for the Human Analysis of Transcripts of child speech

(CHAT)

A collection of Child Language Analysis programs

(CLAN)

The essays were converted into the CHAT format and analyzed using CLAN.

http://childes.psy.cmu.edu/Slide13

Methods: Coding and Analysis

All sentences containing noun-modifying clauses were extracted. Distinction of an RC (Ozeki &

Shirai

, 2007a, b)

Verbs

Adjectives with Complements

Adjectives in Past Tense Form

읽는 것

내가 먹은 사과

머리가 긴 여자즐거웠던 여행

RCsSlide14

Methods: Coding and Analysis

Distinction between RCs and other similar clauses (Lee, 2001;

Sohn

, 1999)

RCs

Pseudo Relative Clauses

(

Coreferent

-Opaque Clauses)

Noun Complement Clause(Fact-S Type Clauses)내가 먹은 사과밥이 타는 냄새내가 사과를 먹은 사실

RCsNoRCsFurther tests for RCs distinction

(Lee, 2001)

1. Is there a

Gap

inside the RC?

2. Can the gap be filled with a

RP

?

3. Can a

Psuedo

-cleft sentence

be made from the RC?Slide15

Methods: Coding and Analysis

RC Developmental Stages7 RC developmental stages from headless to head-internal and head-external RCs (according to Jeon and Kim, 2007)RC Gap Type

Subject (SU)/Direct object (DO)/Oblique (OBL)

Types of Errors

Tense/inflection error (TIE)

Case marker error (CME)

Argument omission (ARG)

Resumptive

pronoun retention (RPR)Slide16

Results: Types of RCs Produced

Table 1. No. of RCs produced

In total,

812 RCs

were produced.

All of the RCs identified in this study were

head-external RCs.

Number of RCs per learner seems to increase as learner’s level becomes higher.

Dramatic increment appeared at Level 3 both in the number of RCs per learner and the maximum number of RCs produced.L1

L2L3L4L5L6

Total

Total

62

91

263

158

119

119

812

RC/Learner

1.17

2.33

6.41

5.45

4.58

7.93

4.00

(Min-Max)

(0-4)

(0-7)

(1-13)

(0-11)

(1-13)

(3-15)

(0-15)Slide17

Results: Types of RCs Produced

Table 2. Accuracy of the RCs produced

In general, learners produced RCs more accurately as their level increased.

Error types

: Tense/inflection error (69%), case marker error (17%), and argument omission (14%)

L1

L2

L3

L4

L5

L6TotalRC6291263

158

119

119

812

Accurate RCs

47

76

225

142

113

108

711

Accuracy

(76%)

(84%)

(86%)

(90%)

(95%)

(91%)

(88%)Slide18

Results: RC Gap Types

Table 3. Gap positions of the RCs

At all levels, SU RCs were produced much more frequently than other types of RCs

(SU > DO/OBL)

.

In total, larger proportion of DO RCs were produced than OBL, however such a pattern was not clearly shown at each level.

L1

L2

L3

L4L5L6TotalSU

81%

62%

72%

57%

71%

51%

65%

DO

16%

1

4

%

14%

30%

19%

24%

19%

OBL

3%

2

4

%

14%

13%

10%

25%

15%Slide19

Results: RC Gap Types

Table 4. Accuracy of each gap type

After finishing level 3, learners seem to be able to produce all three types of RCs quite confidently.

It should be noted than there were only 2 OBL RCs produced in Level 1.

L1

L2

L3

L4

L5

L6SU80%84%

87%

90%

95%

90%

DO

50%

69%92%

89%

96%

93%

OBL

100%

91%

73%

90%

92%

90%Slide20

Results: The Effects of L1

Table 5. No. of RCs and accuracy in each L1 group

At all levels, JPN learners produced greater number of RCs than CHN learners

(JPN > CHN)

.

In addition, JPN learners produced RCs more accurately than CHN learners.

L1

L2

L3

L4

L5L6

Total

JPN

RC/ L

1.28

2.61

7.11

5.76

4.75

9.40

4.22

Accuracy

78%

83%

88%

93%

99%

93%

90%

CHN

RC/ L

0.70

1.25

4.92

4.63

4.00

5.00

3.34

Accuracy

57%

90%

77%

78%

79%

84%

78%Slide21

Results: The Effects of L1

Table 6. RC gap positions for each L1 group

Both groups of learners produced SU RCs in much greater proportion than DO and OBL RCs.

L1

L2

L3

L4

L5

L6

JPN

SU

82%

63%

75%

56%

71%

51%

DO

15%

14%

12%

29%

22%

24%

OBL

4%

23%

13%

15%

7%

24%

CHN

SU

71%

50%

63%

59%

71%

52%

DO

29%

20%

19%

32%

8%

20%

OBL

0%

30%

19%

8%

21%

28%Slide22

Results: Learner’s L1 Effects

Table 7. Error types by each L1 group

JPN learners made much greater number of

tense/inflection errors (TIE)

than the other types of errors.

TIE was indeed the largest number of errors committed by CHN learners. However, considerable proportion of

case marker errors (CME)

were also produced.

TIEAGO

CMERPRTotalJPN48

9

7

0

64

(75%)

(14%)

(11%)

(0%)

(100%)

CHN

21

5

10

1

36

(58%)

(14%)

(28%)

(3%)

(100%)Slide23

Discussion: Development of RCs (RQ1)

Head-external RCs from the beginning level (L1)No indication of headless or head-internal RC stages unlike previous studiesConsiderably larger number of RCs as learners’ level increased

U-shape pattern of RC development

Level 3

6.41 RC/L

Level 4

5.45 RC/L

Level 5

4.58 RC/L

Level 67.93 RC/LSlide24

Discussion: RC Gap Positions (RQ2)

SU RCs were produced more frequently than DO and OBL RCs at all levels, supporting the NPAH.After completing level 3, the learners seem to be able to produce all three types of RCs quite successfully (over 90% accuracy).

However, no clear developmental pattern was manifested for DO and OBL RCs. Slide25

Discussion: L1 effects (RQ3)

Overall JPN learners produced the Korean RCs more frequently and accurately than CHN learners.

JPN: 4.22 RCs/L, 90% accuracy

CHN: 3.34 RCs/L, 78% accuracy

Types of errors

made by each group seem to reflect the characteristics of their L1.

Japanese: TIE > AGO > CME

Chinese: TIE > CME > AGO

Lack of adnominal verbal suffixes

Lack of case markers (CHN)Slide26

Limitations & Conclusions

Limitations & SuggestionsThe small size of the learner corpusLack of control over the corpusUnequivalent number of learners in each L1 group

Different topics across levels and varied length of the essays

Conclusions

The KSL learners produced Korean head-external RCs from the beginning unlike children or other KFL learners in the previous studies.

The acquisition order of the NPAH was supported in this study; SU RCs were developed earlier than DO/OBL RCs.

The effects of learners’ L1 were manifested in this study; JPN learners produced the Korean RCs more frequently and accurately than CHN learners.Slide27

ReferencesCho, S. (1999). The acquisition of relative clauses: Experimental studies on Korean. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Hawaii at

Manoa. Cho, S., & O’Grady, W. (2009). The accessibility hierarchy in Korean: head-external and head-internal relative clauses, 168-174Doughty, C. (199). Second language instruction does make a difference: Evidence from an empirical study of SL relativization

.

Studies in Second Language Acquisition, 13

(4), 431–469.

Eckman

, R., Bell, L., & Nelson, D. (1988). On the generalization of relative clause instruction in the acquisition of English as a second language.

Applied Linguistics, 9

(1) 1–20.

Gass, S. M. (1979). Language transfer and universal grammatical relations. Language Learning, 29(2), 327–344.Hasegawa, T. (2002). The acquisition of relative clauses by children learning Japanese as a second language. Unpublished manuscript, University of Hawai‘i at Mānoa, Honolulu. Hawkins, R. (1989). Do second language learners acquire restrictive relative clauses on the basis of relational or configurational information? The acquisition of French subject, direct object and genitive restrictive relative clauses by second language learners. Second Language Research, 5(2), 158–188.Hyltenstam, K. (1984). The use of typological markedness conditions as predictors in second language acquisition: The case of pronominal copies in relative clauses. In R. Andersen (Ed.), Second languages: A cross-linguistic perspective (pp. 39–60). Rowley. MA: Newbury House.Huh, S. (in press). Does Noun Phrase Accessibility matter? A study of L2 Korean relative clause production. In S. Cheon, (Eds.). Japanese/Korean Linguistics, 19, Stanford, CA: CSLI Publications. Izumi, S. (2003). Processing difficulty in comprehension and production of relative clauses by learners of English as a second language. Language Learning, 53(2), 285–323. Jeon, K. S. & Kim, H-Y. (2007). Development of relativization in Korean as a foreign language. Studies in Second Language Acquisition, 29, 253-276.Kanno, K. (2000). Sentence processing by JSL learners. Paper presented at the Second Language Research Forum 2000, Madison, WI. Kanno, K. (2001). On-line processing of Japanese by English L2 learners. Acquisition of Japanese as a Second Language, 4, 23–28.

Kanno, K. (2007). Factors affecting the processing of Japanese relative clauses by L2 learners. Studies in Second Language Acquisition, 29(2), 197–218.Kim, Y. (1987). The acquisition of relative clauses in English and Korean: Development in spontaneous production. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Harvard University, Cambridge, MA. Lee, K. (1991). On the first language acquisition of relative clauses in Korean: The universal structure of COMP. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, Cornell University, Ithaca, NY. Lee, S. (2001). Pseudo-Relative Clauses in Korean, ICKL Proceedings, 305-321. MacWhinney, B. (2000). The CHILDES Project: Tools for Analyzing Talk. 3rd Edition. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum AssociatesO’Grady, W., Lee, M., & Choo, M. (2003). A subject-object asymmetry in the acquisition of relative clauses in Korean as a second language. Studies in Second Language Acquisition, 25, 433-448.O’Grady, W., Yamashita, Y., Lee, M., Choo, M., & Cho, S. (2000). Computational factors in the acquisition of relative clauses. Proceedings of the International Conference on the Development of the Mind, (pp. 433-448). Tokyo: Keio UniversityOzeki, H., & Shirai, Y. (2007a). Does the noun phrase accessibility hierarchy predict the difficulty order in the acquisition of Japanese relative clauses? Studies in Second Language Acquisition, 29

(2), 169­–196.Ozeki, H., & Shirai, Y. (2007b). The consequences of variation in the acquisition of relative clauses: An analysis of longitudinal production data from five Japanese children. In Y. Matsumoto, D. Y.

Oshima, O.W. Robinson, & P. Sells (Eds.), Diversity in language: Perspectives and implications, 243-70. Stanford, CA: CSLI Publications. Roberts, M. A. (2000). Implicational

markedness and the acquisition of relativization by adult learners of Japanese as a foreign language. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Hawai‘i at M

ānoa. Honolulu. Sohn, H. M. (1999). The Korean language. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.Slide28
Slide29

Methods: Korean Learner Corpus

Essay Topics

Essay

1

Essay

2

L1

Topics after studying Korean at the institution

Introduing my family

L2

Describing a given picturePublic transportation in my home countryL3Writing a complaining letter

Writing opinions about a fixed idea (a pretty girl is not smart)

L4

My

favoraite animal

Writing opinions about the 10th-day-no-driving system

L5

Difference between my first language and Korean

Writing opinions about eating dog soup

L6

Things to improve about living in Korea or Korean people

Writing opinions about runaway teenagersSlide30

Methods: Korean Learner Corpus

No. of Participants

L1

L2

L3

L4

L5

L6

Total

JPN

43

31

28

21

20

10

153

CHN

10

8

13

8

6

5

50

Total

53

39

41

29

26

15

203Slide31

Methods: Korean Learner Corpus

No. of Participants, Writings, and Tokens

L1

L2

L3

L4

L5

L6

Total

JPN

43

31

28

21

20

10

153

CHN

10

8

13

8

6

5

50

Total

53

39

41

29

26

15

203Slide32

Methods: Korean Learner Corpus

Table 1. No. of Learners, Essays, and

L1

L2

L3

L4

L5

L6

Total

Learners

53

39

41

29

26

15

203

Essays

106

78

82

58

52

30

406Slide33

Korean Relative Clauses

[

NP

[

t

i

aki-lul

po-nun] yecai ] baby-ACC see-REL.PRES woman“The woman who is looking at a baby.”SU[NP [yeca-ka tj

po-nun] akij ] woman-NOM see-REL.PRES baby“The baby whom the woman is looking at”DO[NP [namca-ka

tk phyenci-lul

ssu-nun] yecak

] man-NOM letter-

ACC write-REL.PRES woman“The woman to whom the man is writing a letter”

IO

[

NP

[

namca

-ka

t

k

phyenci-lul

ssu

-nun]

phen

k

]

man-

NOM

letter-

ACC

write-

REL.PRES

pen

“The pen with which the man is writing a letter”

OBLSlide34

Development of Korean RCs

A small number of studies have been conducted. L1 Acquisition (Cho, 1999; Y. Kim, 1987; K. Lee, 1991)L2 Acquisition

(Huh, 2009;

Jeon

& Kim, 2007; O’Grady, et al., 2000, 2003)

Similar findings were obtained from L1 and L2 studies.

SU RCs are more easily acquired than DO.

No studies have investigated L2 acquisition of OBL RCs.

NPAHSlide35

Methods: Korean Learner Corpus

Table 1. Number of learners and essays

L1

L2

L3

L4

L5

L6

Total

Learners

JPN

43

31

28

21

20

10

153

CHN

10

8

13

8

6

5

50

Total

53

39

41

29

26

15

203

Essays

106

78

82

58

52

30

406Slide36

Results 1: Types of RCs Produced

Table 2. Accuracy of the RCs produced

In general, learners produced RCs more accurately as their level increased.

Error types: TIE (69%), CME (17%), & AGO (14%)

L1

L2

L3

L4

L5

L6

TotalRC6291263

158

119

119

812

Accurate RCs

47

76

225

142

113

108

711

Accuracy

76%

84%

86

%

90%

95%

91%

88%Slide37

Results 3: Learner’s L1 Effects

Table 6. RC accuracy by each L1 group

In general, JPN learners produced RCs more accurately than CHN learners.

Even at the high-advanced level, CHN learners did not reach the accuracy level of the JPN learners.

L1

L2

L3

L4

L5

L6

TotalJPN78%

83%

88%

93%

99%

93%

90%

CHN

57%

90%

77%

78%

79%

84%

78%Slide38

Discussion: Development of RCs (RQ1)

The KSL learners included in this study were able to produce head-external Korean RCs quite successfully from the beginning level (L1).No occurrence of headless or head-internal RCs were identified. The learners produced noticeably greater number of RCs as their level increased (1.17 -> 7.93).